�It is not too late, Kanu Rift Valley leaders seems to say in their imagination to get positions in the new government. They want ministerial positions, they want to revive the party and enable it to fight for the share of the cake now when posts in government will be dished out. Why are leaders only thinking of themselves and how to be positioned even if they lost the elections to represent the people?

Kanu leaders from Rift Valley have demanded that the party holds a national delegates conference to �chart its future.�

The group of former MPs and branch officials said time had come for the party to be revamped to reverse its declining fortunes after it teamed up with other parties in PNU in last year�s elections.�

The leaders, who spoke in Nakuru also endorsed former Baringo Central MP Gideon Moi as their spokesman.

They claimed the party had been given a raw deal in PNU and declared they would now negotiate as �an independent entity.��

�This meeting is not targeting any individual but something has to start somewhere. KANU has ignored Rift Valley,� said former Bomet MP Nick Salat who together with former Health Minister Paul Sang, spoke on behalf of the group.

The group threatened to pull out of PNU if the party was not handed one of the two deputy prime minister posts.

Mr Salat said Kanu chairman Mr Uhuru Kenyatta should fight it out with other members from the party for the deputy PM position.�

The meeting also declared support for the National Peace Accord signed by President Mwai Kibaki and ODM leader Raila Odinga and called for a total overhaul of the Constitution.�

Kanu would not support piecemeal changes to the Constitution as this will only suit individual interests, they added. Former Maendeleo ya Wanawake Organisation (MYWO) chairperson Zipporah Kittony was also in attendance.

Mr Moi said KANU supported PNU in last year�s elections but added that it was now time for the party to fight for its interests.�

He said vacant positions at the branch and district levels occasioned by mass defections will be filled soon.�

The leaders said they will promote peace across the province but urged the Government to take immediate action to restore calm in Molo.

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Raila held captive over scamble for Cabinet posts

By Dennis Onyango

Behind the faÁade of warm handshakes with hitherto bitter rivals in President Kibaki’s camp, Prime minister-designate Mr Raila Odinga is walking a tight rope.

Prime minister-designate Raila Odinga with Pentagon members, from left, Ms Charity Ngilu, Mr Najib Balala, Mr Musalia Mudavadi, and Ugenya MP, Mr James Orengo.

In his party, the Orange Democratic Movement, he is captive of competing inter-ethnic interests for vantage positions in the new pecking order. He is fighting two wars, the first being to get “real power sharing and portfolio’’ balance in the Government, as well as the space and influence of the most powerful office outside State House. In the backstage, there is the trickier game of juggling the interests of the influential personalities, without upsetting the inter-ethnic bonds that formed the Orange mosaic. Thirdly, the leader of the party on the road to sharing government positions with Kibaki’s Party of National Unity has the arduous task of reaching out to the other side, as a signal he means well and is accommodating. But even as he reaches out, there is the delicate balance, the act of spreading his tentacles without losing grip of ODM. Any sign he has been “swallowed, or is “carried away”, could trigger trouble for him in ODM. The Lang’ata MP has in the last two weeks had lunch with Cabinet ministers Martha Karua and Mr Amos Kimunya, and hosted the President’s son at Pentagon House. He has also featured in public with President Kibaki, exuding confidence and smiling broadly. The President, too, has, going by the footage, taken him on board with speed and resolve that seems to have surprised hardliners that only weeks ago were calling power sharing a dream. Power to trickle down But in a burial in Kericho on Saturday, in what could signal the sensitivity of the balancing act waiting for Raila, three ODM MPs – Mr Kipkalya Kones, Mr Franklin Bett and Dr Julius Kones – said the sharing of power within ODM should be based on the voting pattern in the December election. “If we gave more votes than the North Rift, we the Kipsigis should get the bigger portion,’’ said Bett. The North Rift is largely inhabited by the Nandi sub-clan of the Kalenjin, one of communities that roundly voted for Raila. Bett asked: ” If PNU and ODM are sharing power on equal basis, then why should the same formula be adopted within ODM?” He then threw the spanner in the works: “We are waiting, if this consideration is not taken into account, we shall decide on the alternative.” Dr Julius Kones added: “We support the power deal but not just on the horizontal basis between Kibaki and Raila, ODM and PNU, but we need to let it trickle down to the grassroots. This is ODM’s greatest test.’’ But this was not just an isolated demand in ODM. After the rich harvest of votes, which landed the party 99, elected MPs and six parliamentary nominees, and with the signs it had made a kill, some in the party began plotting on how to share the spoils. Many in the party after all believe their victory was stolen by PNU, and so a half is better than nothing. During the campaigns, ODM projected it would go for a lean Cabinet of between 18-25 ministers, with a highly reduced number of assistant ministers. But the election fiasco has landed ODM in a coalition with PNU, leaving only a few seats for it to pick up. There may not be open lobbying, but there is anxiety in the party, especially among those eyeing the Cabinet. Nyanza wants five seats Inside the party, there is some agreement that because this is going to be a shared government, each partner must give its best man or woman as the Cabinet is picked. Some leaders say the party must pay attention to ability and efficiency, alongside the need for regional balancing and party loyalty. “Personality could play a role. This is going to be a very competitive government and there will be a lot of haggling over policies,” Mbita MP Mr Otieno Kajwang’ says. He also says he is not lobbying for a Cabinet seat. But in the party, he is said to be one of those locked in the battle for the few slots for Nyanza. Luo Nyanza, sources say, is looking at ODM secretary general Prof Anyang’ Nyong’o, Kajwang and Rongo MP, Mr Dalmas Otieno. ODM leaders say the Grand Coalition Government could have a Cabinet of between 30–34 members. If the slots are shared equally, ODM and PNU will have between 15 and 17 positions each. That ‘sharing’ is giving headache to ODM, the party that won in six of eight provinces and wants to accommodate every region in the few Cabinet slots. Some of the MPs eyeing the Cabinet are also looking into all sorts of scenarios in a Cabinet that is expected to pay attention to regional balance. All indications point to what will likely be criticised as unwieldy and wasteful. But party leaders have a headache in reducing positions while containing coalition members. Party insiders say the balancing is tight and regions should be prepared for far less than they expect. Although some leaders from Nyanza Province say the region should get at least five Cabinet slots, indications are that it would be lucky to get three. Some party strategists want one Cabinet slot for what used to be Central Nyanza, the former Siaya and Kisumu districts. One more slot is to be spared for Southern Nyanza and another for Kisii. According to Kajwang’, who clarified that his was not party position, said Luo Nyanza is unique. “This region has long been in turbulent opposition politics. In the process, some people stayed through the hard years of struggle,” the MP said. “The party may want to recognise loyalty and dedication to the struggle. It would be bad to create an impression that being in a struggle and remaining faithful to it does not pay,” he adds. Kajwang is said to be locked in the search for the southern Nyanza slot with his neighbours, Otieno and Orwa Ojode of Ndhiwa. Nobody knows which way the balance will go. “The most that Luo Nyanza can get in the Cabinet after getting the PM post is three Cabinet ministers and even that could be considered too much,” the an official said. “It is important to reward loyalty and consistency. There are people who have worked for the party and that is something that cannot be ignored,” the official added. Ojodeh, on the other hand says Nyanza deserves five Cabinet positions, with one going to Kisii while the rest is shared in Luo Nyanza. Kisii has Omingo Magara, the party’s treasurer who could benefit together with other party officials like Mr Henry Kosgey and Prof Nyong’o. But there is also former Cabinet Minister Mr Chris Obure, who has been steadfast in supporting the party. “Luo Nyanza is the only place President Kibaki has excluded in his Cabinet. All the other regions are included. I am not saying this so that I get a position. It is a fact that Luo Nyanza has been in the cold for too long,” Ojodeh said. Leaders from other regions say that for the sake of the future support, Nyanza should expect less than other regions. Rift Valley headache But the biggest headache for ODM is in the Rift Valley. Like Nyanza, Rift Valley voted almost exclusively for ODM, has more MPs and bore the brunt of the violence that gripped the country after the polls. Inside the party, no one doubts that the region needs to be ‘rewarded’. But at most, there could be only 17 slots for about 100 ODM MPs drawn from six provinces. Some of the leaders from the Rift Valley think the region should get some five slots in the Cabinet, in recognition of the huge vote it brought to the party. Currently, some of the most visible MPs from the Rift Valley are Nandi. There is Pentagon member Mr William Ruto, who represents his party at the negotiations and is also a member of the House Business Committee. Then there is Aldai MP, Dr Sally Kosgei, former Head of Civil Service who also represents ODM in the post-election talks. Last week, when ODM leader Raila Odinga opted out of the House Business Committee, he surrendered his position to Dr Kosgey. The Aldai MP is from Nandi South District. The party’s chairman, Mr Henry Kosgey, is also from Nandi South. It is largely a foregone conclusion that Mr Ruto will be in the Cabinet alongside other Pentagon members. But the mix of Dr Kosgey and Mr Kosgey, presents the headache. There is some agreement that an ODM Cabinet that excludes Dr Kosgey will be the poorer. She has the experience and the knowledge it takes to serve in the Cabinet. During the crisis talks, she served her party well, exploiting his links in the diplomatic community to rally diplomats to see the ODM side of the case. The need for gender balance also favours her. Her appointment would not be one of those that comes simply because she is a woman. But some see Mr Kosgey, as entitled to a Cabinet slot as the party chairman. Opinion is divided on this. Some feel that Mr Kosgey should be contented with being chairman. They argue that in recognition of the party’s quest for change, Mr Kosgey should not fight over Cabinet slot with Dr Kosgey. There are party leaders who think the three –Ruto, Sally and Henry – should be in the Cabinet. If that happens, then there are the other Kalenjin sub-clans, especially the populous Kipsigis, to be ‘appeased’. An official in the ODM strategy team admitted that Rift Valley is a headache. “The thinking is that Rift Valley be given all the heavy ministries we get, most likely four. First give them more ministries, and then give them more assistant ministers. They have also to be given more parastatal positions. The region has to be compensated,” the official said. “The Kipsigis could have two and Nandis two. But there is a big problem here. All our most prominent leaders are from Nandi. Rift Valley is going to be a headache, but it must be balanced,” the official added. Among the Kipsigis, the prominent names are Chepalungu MP Mr Isaac Ruto, Dr Julius Kones of Konoin, Belgut’s Mr Charles Keter, Bomets’ Mr Kipkalya Kones, Buret’s Mr Franklin Bett and Sotik’s Mr Lorna Laboso. The local thinking is that the party needs to give priority to fresh, younger politicians. Outside Kalenjin land of Nandi and Kipsigis, there is also Maasai, which is also part of the Rift Valley. The party has three MPs from Maasai land, two from Samburu and one from Turkana. Indications are that Narok North MP, William ole Ntimama will be in the Cabinet. Weighed against Kajiado Central MP Joseph Nkaissery, Ntimama is seen in the party to wield more clout. Western Province is also getting tricky, especially after it landed the Speaker’s post. Criteria for sharing There is a feeling the region should be contented with two Cabinet positions, especially if Mr Musalia Mudavadi becomes Deputy PM. Others say the region is already significantly represented in government, with the Speaker, Cabinet Minster Moses Wetangula, and Attorney General Amos Wako. The Coast, with 12 MPs in ODM, is expected to get not more than two Cabinet positions. But Kisauni MP Hassan Joho says the region is not making any demands. “The party’s leadership at the Coast is not putting any demands that we need this or that position. We have confidence in the leadership of the party and we will go by what the party decides,” Joho said. North Eastern, which already has a PNU minister, is expected to get only one from ODM. Regional balancing comes with the burden of the sharing of ministries between PNU and ODM. PNU has taken 17 slots, almost all of them the most powerful ministries. Some ODM leaders say the entire Cabinet should be dissolved and constituted afresh, with the sharing in mind. There are also those who say that even without dissolving and reconstituting the Cabinet, there are about 10 ministries currently vacant, which ODM could take, then negotiate over some five powerful ones with PNU. “From the ones that are vacant, we can identify 10 that we can take. Then we negotiate with PNU on how to share some five ministries like Transport, Finance, Public Works, Local Government and Internal Security,” a top ODM leader said. Others are calling for weighting of ministries, arguing that the portfolios are not equal. “Each ministry has its rating in terms of how it impacts on life and the budget it attracts. Some weighting will have to be done,” an MP familiar with the thinking in the top party said.

 

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For two months Zuma has addressed the business world, Afrikaners, the Jewish community and farmers, as well as granting interviews to the international media, in an attempt to articulate what he stands for.
Other ANC leaders must be appalled by his repeated bouts of foot-in-mouth disease.

This week Zuma was forced to release a statement clarifying what he really meant by saying this or that. How embarrassing! Emerging from all the interviews and the public addresses has been a picture of a leader who has no core principles and who says what he thinks his audience wants to hear. In other words, an ambitious populist. He has, in effect, questioned a Constitutional Court ruling on the death penalty, preaching a vindictive gospel that is closer to “an eye for an eye” than the rights-based criminal justice system our Constitution upholds.

He has complained that criminals are given more respect than they deserve and that the laws need to “bite”. Ironically, he has spent many months and millions of rands of taxpayers’ money trying to ensure that the law does not bite him. He told the Financial Mail that South Africa should consider a dual labour system and then promptly somersaulted when he met the Congress of South African Trade Unions’s leaders, saying he would lay down his life for the workers.

“Uninspiring”, “vague” and “not very clever” were some of the phrases used to describe his performance at a forum on South Africa’s future hosted by Chief Rabbi Warren Goldstein last week. In a typical diversionary tactic, the ANC has accused the media of a concerted attempt to misrepresent its president. Perhaps the party’s other leaders should go and listen to him and gauge the audience reactions for themselves.
To top it all, the Financial Times strongly suggested this week that Zuma may have raised his case with Mauritian Prime Minister Navinchandra Ramgoolam in a bid to ensure that he gets a smooth ride through that country’s courts. His aim, as in South Africa, is to prevent crucial evidence from being presented at his upcoming fraud trial.

Ramgoolam now claims that Zuma did not ask for his intervention to block evidence being handed over to the National Prosecuting Authority, but that he merely explained the Mauritian legal system to the ANC president. Why would he do such a thing if the request was not at least hinted at? And what does this say about Zuma’s approach to the rule of law? Of course, the ANC can elect any leader it likes. But it should be thinking hard about whether Zuma is the kind of president South Africa wants. Like the archbishop, we do not want to bow our heads in shame after next year’s election.

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Johannesburg (South Africa) – Lawyers for African National Congress (ANC) president Jacob Zuma, the state and French arms company Thint yesterday tried to convince Constitutional Court judges about the proper way to interpret the International Co-operation in Criminal Matters Act.

The interpretation was at the centre of Zuma and Thint’s application to have a letter of request issued by the Durban High Court in terms of section 2(2) of the act set aside. Zuma and Thint said the state used the section that gave it the right to request information for investigation purposes, and not for evidence to be presented at trial.

They argued that section 2(2) limited the state to gather information for investigation, and not for evidence. The state should have used section 2(1), which provided for the request for evidence at the beginning of the trial. They argued this would give Zuma and Thint the right to challenge the admission of evidence.

The Durban High Court letter requested the attorney-general of Mauritius to supply 14 original documents in the possession of Mauritian officials. The documents include the 2000 diary of Alain Thetard, the former director of Thint, in which an entry allegedly notes that Thetard had a meeting with Zuma and his financial adviser, Schabir Shaik, where a bribe of R500000 was discussed.

Wim Trengove SC, for the state, argued that the prosecution was correct in requesting the documents in terms of section 2(2) because the state required the documents for the purpose of investigating crime.
“Section 2(2) is a tool provided for the executive to investigate crime, to gather information for the purposes of a criminal investigation. Section 2(2) should be operational until after the beginning of criminal proceedings,” Trengove said.

He said the point where the criminal proceedings commenced was when the accused had pleaded. In Zuma’s case, the state relied on section 2(2) to gather information that could later be used as evidence because the charges against Zuma were struck off the roll in September 2006. ” (Section 2(1)) is the mechanism of the trial court while 2(2) is an executive tool used to investigate crime. Investigation also means gathering all evidence so as to prosecute the case,” Trengove said

Kemp J Kemp SC, for Zuma, argued that the primary purpose of section 2(2) was for the state to get information to enable it to decide whether to prosecute. Kemp said the state had not shown how it intended to use the originals in its investigation. “This is an attempt simply to get documents to present them at trial.” he said.

The court reserved judgment. The first two days dealt with the challenge of Zuma, his lawyer Michael Hulley and Thint against the validity of the search and seizure warrants issued by Transvaal Judge President Bernard Ngoepe in August 2005. The warrants resulted in the state seizing 93000 documents from the offices of Hulley and Thint and from the homes and former offices of Zuma.

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Laurent Nkunda says the government must honour its pledge to grant North Kivu militias immunity from prosecution for acts of rebellion.

With the ceasefire in Congo�s North Kivu province now on shaky ground, rebel leaders say a promised amnesty deal is crucial if the peace is to hold. Numerous rival militia factions in this eastern province of the Democratic Republic of Congo, DRC, signed a peace agreement in January, but fighting among the various groups has continued, creating an ongoing crisis for civilian populations targeted by attacks, rape, looting and general harassment.

As part of the deal signed in the North Kivu provincial capital Goma, the DRC authorities promised to grant an amnesty to members of about 20 armed groups from North and South Kivu provinces, under which they would not face retribution for acts of war and insurrection committed during fighting in the two provinces which has displaced and killed hundreds of thousands. One of the groups at the epicentre of the recent violence told IWPR that it was this promise of amnesty that brought them to the negotiating table in the first place, and he suggested it was now time for the government to live up to its promises.

�We fought each other and now we must work together � [but] the only way of getting us back to the parent�s hut was to be granted amnesty,� said Laurent Nkunda, leader of the National Congress for the Defence of the People, CNDP, one of the main warring militias in the province. “The parent’s hut” refers to the local practice where children expelled from the home by their parents for misbehaving are allowed to return after negotiation or asking for forgiveness. CNDP spokesman S�raphin Mirindi insisted, �The success of [this deal] is dependent on the respect of the amnesty granted to the mutineers.�

Congo�s interior minister, Denis Kalume, has promised to submit a bill to parliament enabling the amnesty to take effect, but that has yet to happen. Observers in DRC put the delay down to the periodic skirmishes still breaking out among rebels in the east. �At this point the amnesty law has not yet been developed,� said Eug�ne Bope Bakema, chairman of the Friends of the Law group in Congo. The offer of forgiveness was a controversial issue at the January 6-23 peace conference, particularly the question of whether the renegade general Nkunda � whose troops are accused of terrible crimes and who is seen as one of the instigators of trouble in the Kivus � should be included in the deal.

The speaker of Congo�s National Assembly, Vital Kamerhe, said any amnesty had to include Nkunda for the sake of peace. �The amnesty is not selective or discriminatory. It concerns everyone,� said Kamerhe. �Nkunda has the same rights as the others. Why should we ask people to put down their weapons without granting them anything?� The amnesty was accepted by many conference participants because while it covers acts of warfare and rebellion, it specifically excludes war crimes and crimes against humanity. �If among the fighters there is a person who burned villages, committed mass killings of civilians for one or another reason, he will be pursued for those crimes,� said Kamerhe.

It is precisely such war crimes that interest the International Criminal Court, ICC, in the Hague. ICC prosecutors said recently they would turn their attention from the northeastern Ituri region, where three alleged warlords have now been charged, to other parts of DRC. They named North Kivu as a possible location for investigations, and Nkunda as a potential target. If and when ICC investigators arrive on the ground in the Kivu provinces, it could be difficult for them to know where to begin. The region has been mired in conflict for many years, with rape, murder and torture committed by all sides.

Nkunda�s troops feature prominently in many of the reports of abuses which the ICC could investigate, as they fall squarely within its terms of reference – war crimes and crimes against humanity committed from July 2002 onwards. A recent United Nations report alleged that ethnic Tutsi soldiers loyal to Nkunda killed 30 civilians in the village of Kalonge, about 100 kilometres from Goma, in early January. The civilians, who were ethnic Hutus, were said to have been shot, hacked with machetes and beaten with hammers. At the time of the incident, Nkunda�s representatives were in Goma attending the peace talks, and he denies the accusations.

Local human rights groups also allege that troops under Nkunda�s control committed war crimes during an attack on the South Kivu town of Bukavu in 2004. Nkunda�s soldiers allegedly killed civilians, looted and committed widespread acts of sexual violence in the town. �During our investigations, we spoke to local leaders, human rights organisations, public servants and local people,� said Alex Byumanine, deputy chairman the National Observatory of Human Rights, ONDH. �We recorded war crimes and crimes against humanity such as targeted mass killings, sexual violence, [and] the destruction of economic infrastructures including the looting and burning of the Kadutu market in Bukavu.�

ONDH says Nkunda�s men sold items they had looted from the market in the nearby town of Cyangugu, just over the border in Rwanda. Nkunda strenuously denies suggestions that forces under his command committed war crimes and crimes against humanity in Bukavu, or indeed anywhere else in Congo. Responding to the allegations his troops attacked the town�s market, he said, �The Kadutu market was looted by the population itself, and I fought looters. I have kept pictures for evidence, and I have no fear of being a witness of that.� The rebel general says his men went into Bukavu to protect the local Tutsi population, known here as Banyamulenge, from the regular army. �I saved about 1,600 Banyamulenge who were encircled in their houses by General Mbuza Mabe and ready to be killed, and some of them were of course killed. And for me, it makes me proud that I saved them,� he said. General F�lix Mbuza Mabe was in command of government troops in Bukavu.

The DRC government issued an arrest warrant for Nkunda and his fellow rebel Jules Mutebutsi following the attack on Bukavu, but it was never enforced. Nkunda describes the arrest warrant as a �distraction� created by �people who do not want peace�. �They want to put again a stick in the wheel of peace. But peace is coming to Congo. Let people do whatever they want, but we are advancing towards peace,� he said. Ituri rebel leader Mathieu Ngudjolo Chui is the third individual from DRC to be indicted by the ICC, joining Thomas Lubanga Dyilo and Germain Katanga in custody in The Hague. The three commanded different militia groups in Ituri.

Ngudjolo�s case shows that being granted an amnesty does not necessarily shield individuals from prosecution by the ICC. He agreed to end his paramilitary activities and even took up a post as colonel in DRC�s regular army, prior to his sudden arrest and transfer to the Netherlands in February. General Nkunda says he is not afraid of meeting the same fate if he accepts an amnesty. �I�m ready to face justice. I am available to explain what happened,� he said.

*Jack Kahorha and Taylor Toeka Kakala are IWPR contributors in Goma. Lisa Clifford is an international justice reporter in The Hague.

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Harare (Zimbabwe)� – ZANU-PF, the ruling party has “hijacked” the public media ahead of the March 29 polls, a local press watchdog said on Friday.

In a strongly-worded statement the Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe (MMPZ) said the public media was “grossly biased” in favour of President Robert Mugabe’s Zanu-PF party. “The public media is engaged in a propaganda war, which romanticises and promotes the ruling party and denigrates its rivals,” MMPZ said in a statement. The Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC) allowed stories on the ruling party and its activities to hog the limelight in its main news bulletins in February, charged the watchdog.

In one glaring example, normal TV and radio programmes were suspended to allow for live four-hour coverage of Mugabe’s campaign launch, it said. But no such coverage was given to the launch of the campaigns by the president’s opponents, Morgan Tsvangirai of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and ex-finance minister Simba Makoni. “The national public broadcaster now behaves as if it is Zanu-PF’s own private radio and television station in flagrant violation of electoral and broadcasting laws,” said the MMPZ.

The state broadcaster has a monopoly of the airwaves here, with four radio stations and one television channel. Zimbabwe’s only two dailies, the Herald and the Bulawayo-based Chronicle, are also state-controlled.
Radio listeners and TV viewers noted a big difference last weekend when opposition parties suddenly started receiving more coverage. The change coincided with the arrival of dozens of election observers from the regional SADC grouping.

For the first time in 28 year of uninterrupted rule, Mugabe is fighting for his political survival against his two rivals, Tsvangirai and Makoni, whom he labels as “puppets” of the West. – Sapa

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Port Louis (Mauritius) – Mauritius had almost lost hope for its textile and clothing industry after the closure of several big factories over the past few years. The sector dropped to a negative growth rate of -12.5 percent in 2006 but has since been revamped to manufacture upmarket goods.

The turnabout in the industry�s fortunes happened relatively fast with a dramatic jump in its growth rate to eight percent in 2007. Employing 67,147 people, the sector generated some 1,45 billion dollars in 2007 as opposed to 1,25 billion dollars in 2006. This year the target is 1,65 billion dollars. Plenty of jobs are now available in the textiles and clothing sector but there are not enough local takers. Hence the island is importing more foreign labour from India, China and Bangladesh who already number more than 33,000. Almost 7,000 arrived last year.

��I am very confident about 2008 as our order books are full. We are refusing orders for the coming months,�� Ali Parkar, head of the company Star Knitwear, said at the general assembly meeting of the Mauritius Export Association (MEXA). Danielle Wong, director of the MEXA, is confident that ��our clients and our markets trust us. We should now build upon that��. The textile and clothing industry works on small orders of between 10,000 to 20,000 items delivered with very short turnaround times of less than two weeks. ��This system is successful and is allowing for the expansion of the existing industries. They now lack space for operating,�� said an official at the ministry for industry and commerce.

Some large enterprises have opened warehouses in Europe and South Africa where they stock their products. As soon as an order is received, the goods are shipped directly from there. Apart from traditional markets, the industry is also seeking to conquer emerging markets in India and Pakistan, thanks to preferential trade agreements with these two countries. Foreign textile enterprises are again showing a keen interest in Mauritius. The Chinese company Tianli invested 600 million dollars in a significant new project at Riche-Terre near the capital where 500 acres of land have been made available. It is an industrial park that will accommodate high-end, value-adding industries .

Prime Minister Navin Ramgoolam has indicated that this development project will provide employment to 42,000 people in five years� time, starting from April 2009. Forty Chinese factories will be engaged in operations ranging from clothing manufacturing to hardware assembly and food processing in the industrial park, generating an income of about 200 million dollars annually. Mauritius is also fast consolidating its tourism industry, another pillar of the island�s economy. New hotels, holiday resorts and villas are being built, the airways have been liberalized and the number of flights from Europe to the island has increased three-fold.

This has worked well as arrivals almost reached the million mark in 2007. The island plans to welcome two million tourists by the year 2015. The growth rate of 15 percent between 2006 and 2007 has confirmed the trend. Income from tourism has reached 1.36 million dollars, about 27 percent higher than a year earlier. Another sector that is booming is business process outsourcing such as call centres. This sector jumped by another 10 percent in 2007. Several thousand jobs have also been created in the seafood sector.

Unemployment is now less than nine percent, with many people in the informal sector looking for better positions and job security in the formal sector. ��We have reached a situation where people are not going out looking for jobs but jobs are coming to them,�� Ramgoolam quipped during a recent public address. Maintaining Mauritian trade with the EU has been important. Some have argued that the economic partnership agreements (EPAs) enable Mauritius to continue benefiting from preferential access for its products to the EU. ��Signing the EPA is a guarantee for not disrupting our trade links with Europe,�� Fran�ois de Grivel, chairperson of MEXA said at the association�s recent general assembly meeting.

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