Historical:
According to historians, the Gĩkũyũ ancestors immigrated from Meru and Tharaka via Mbeere and Ndia in the 17th Century (1601 – 1700). They regrouped in the area between the rivers North Mathioya and Gura and expanded westwards towards the Aberdares Range, southwards towards Kiambu and northwards towards Nyeri. By mid 19th century (1801 – 1900), they reached the foothills of the Aberdares. The expansion northwards was slowed by the presence of the Maasai in the area, and although trading and marriage relations were soon established between the two groups, it wasn’t until the end of the 19th century that the Gĩkũyũ occupied areas north of rivers Rũirũ and North Chania.
Finally, the southward expansion into Kiambu area occurred during the first half of the 19th century, and by 1880s Gĩkũyũ pioneers occupied the area between the Karura and Nairobi rivers, which brought them into intimate contact with Maasai living in Ngong area.
Religious:
Gĩkũyũ and Mũmbi
God (Ngai or Mũgai (The Divider)) created Gĩkũyũ the father of the Tribe and took him on top of Kĩrĩ-Nyaga (Mt. Kenya) and showed him all the land that he had given him: West from Mount Kenya to the Aberdares, on to Ngong Hills and Kilimambogo, then north to Gabatula. He then pointed to him a spot full of fig trees (Mũkũyũ) and he commanded him to descend and establish his homestead on the selected spot known as Mũkũrwe wa Gathanga (in present day Mũrang’a district). When Gĩkũyũ descended to the spot he found a beautiful wife waiting for him called Mũmbi. Together, Gĩkũyũ and Mũmbi had 10 beautiful daughters — Wanjirũ, Wambũi, Wanjikũ, Wangũi aka Waithiegeni, Wangeci aka Waithĩra, Wanjeeri aka Waceera, Nyambura aka Wakĩũrũ, Wairimũ aka Gathiigia, Wangarĩ and Wamũyũ aka Warigia, which are also very popular names for Gikũyũ females today.
When the time came for the 9’s eldest daughters to marry, the youngest Wamũyũ not yet being of age, Gĩkũyũ prayed to God under a holy fig tree, (Mũkũyũ), as was his tradition, to send him sons-in-law. He offered a lamb as sacrifice and as the fire was consuming the lamb’s body, nine men appeared and walked out of the flames. Gĩkũyũ took them home and each daughter married the man who was the same height as she was, and together they gave rise to the nine of the ten clans to which all Gĩkũyũs belong. Wamũyũ got a child out of wedlock.
These clans are the Anjirũ, Agacikũ, Ambũi, Angũi aka Aithiegeni, Angechi aka Aithĩrandũ, Aacera, Ambura aka Aakĩũrũ aka Eethaga, Airimũ aka Agathiigia, Angarĩ aka Aithekahuno and Aicakamũyũ.
Note: Some authors only count nine daughters and nine clans leaving out the youngest daughter Wamũyũ aka Warigia and her lineage, the Aicakamũyũ. The Gĩkũyũ of old believed that it brought bad luck to count ones children. It was believed that a person who did so was tired of Gods blessings. As such the 10 clans are referred to by the Agĩkũyũ as full-nine (kenda-mũiyũru).
The legends say that the tribe was initially matrilineal but the women became tyrannical rulers and the men overthrew them by impregnating them at the same time. In those days the women were much stronger than the men.
Religion:
The Gĩkũyũ religion is monotheistic. There is one God known as Ngai who is the provider and the divider of the universe (Mũgai). He is the creator of the father and mother of the Agĩkũyũ, known as Gĩkũyũ and Mũmbi. Ngai is invisible. He was also referred to as Mwene-Nyaga (possessor of brightness), which is associated with Kĩrĩ-Nyaga (Gĩkũyũ name for Mt. Kenya), which means that which possesses brightness or mountain of brightness.
Mount Kenya (Kĩrĩ-Nyaga) is the resting place of God, whenever he comes to inspect the deeds of men. The sacred fig trees (mũkũyũ and mũgumũ) are the sacred centre where the people perform their rites. It is also believed in some quarters that the name Gĩkũyũ, the father of the Agĩkũyũ, was derived from the Mũkũyũ. The Mũkũyũ was also the preferred tree of worship, but the Mũgumũ is much more common. Ngai promised Gĩkũyũ that whenever he had need he should sacrifice facing Mt. Kenya (Kĩrĩ-Nyaga) and he would come to his aid and thus we pray facing Mt. Kenya. A Gĩkũyũ saying goes that Ngai ndagiagwo, meaning God does not concern himself with small matters. As such Ngai was approached in the old days in cases of national calamities and disasters like famine and praying for rain. He was also approached at the birth of an individual, at initiation, at marriage and at death. He was not worshipped by individuals but was only approached by at least a family group with the father as the head or by elders of the tribe under the sacred fig trees, mũkũyũ and mũgumũ. A homesteads centre of worship was the wives hut called nyũmba.
Ngai while not visible to mortal eyes manifests himself in many ways. Through the sun, the moon, the stars, thunder, lightning, the rainbow and rain.
Gĩkũyũ religion had no priesthood and was closely interwoven with traditional customs of the people. At birth one automatically acquired the religion, which was taught by the parents. The Elders led the prayers and sacrifices to Mwene-Nyaga. Apart from them, the Gĩkũyũ had seers called Arathi to whom God communicated messages in their sleep to impart to the tribe. Such a person was Cege wa Kĩibirũ or Mũgo wa Kĩibirũ who predicted the coming of the Europeans.
Most if not all early European writings about the tribe revolve about whether the savage, at a much lower evolutionary stage according to them, could conceive the concept of a deity. Worship was done in form of prayer and sacrifice.
Religious rituals were partly determined by natural rhythms, as with rites performed at seed time and harvest, and partly by recurrent needs. Gĩkũyũ society was highly conscious of the divine and spiritual hierarchy. Thus if a man fell sick, first ordinary treatment was tried, including traditional herbal medicine. Then it may have become necessary to consult the ancestors, who even if they were not displeased, the sick person may not have recovered, in which case the elder of the family may have instituted a sacrifice to Ngai, supported by the invisible family members, the ancestors.
Ngai was worshiped in communion with the ancestors. The Gĩkũyũ believe that dead relatives live on in the spirit world and continue to be part of the family and are treated as such. In fact they visited their homesteads from time to time to hold communion with the living.
Land played a very central role in the Agĩkũyũ life as the indefinable link between the living, the dead and the unborn. Land is also considered the mother of the tribe. In offering sacrifices the ancestors are also present. It was customary to pour a little of whatever one was drinking to the ground for the ancestors to also partake, a custom strangely similar to the one of pouring a little liquor to a dead friend or relative as exemplified by black American rap stars and singers in several videos. The ancestral spirits can be either benevolent or malevolent and so might require appeasement from time to time.
Social organization:
The family was the smallest economic, political and religious unit of the tribe. A family consisted of a man who was the head of his household, his wife or wives and their children. A family group would then include the grandchildren and the great grandchildren. This unit is referred to as Mbarĩ.
Several Mbarĩ join to form the clan (Mũhĩrĩga). The clan is believed to have descended from the same family group in the remote past. All clans unite to form the Agĩkũyũ nation. The 2nd factor unifying the Agikuyu is the age-grading system (riika). This system united the tribe in all of its activities; where as different clans act independently. In the past the riika was determined by circumcision of the boys and girls. A riika had very strong links of brotherhood and sisterhood that lasted throughout the lives of the individuals.
Social interaction was highly governed by the system of ‘give and take’. For example in building a hut, a family would call upon on the assistance of their friends and this would naturally abide knowing that they too would also need some collective assistance at some point. A lot of things were done communally.
The most significant in the life of an individual, male or female were initiation and marriage.
Initiation:
Was done for both male and females and it gave the individual the status of a full responsible member of the tribe. Initiation involved the circumcision of both male and females. In male the fore skin was removed and in female clitoridectomy was performed. The operation described by Kenyatta involved an excision of the clitoris described as a minor operation which was over in a matter of minutes. The female circumcision controversy of 1929 involving the Mission Church of Scotland and the Agĩkũyũ seems to have been as a result of some parts of the community practising, what is referred to as a major operation involving the removal of the clitoris plus labia minora and majora.
The initiation was a communal event and an elaborate process, involving a preparation period, the surgical operation and a healing period. Everything was accompanied by song and dance and initiates gained their first sexual experiences in an act known as ngwĩko which involved fondling without actual penetration, which was prevented by a girl’s lower garment. As can be imagined, the bond created among initiates both male and female was indestructible.
Special names were given to each initiation set, mostly drawn from events or phenomenon appearing at the time of the ceremony. Most of the names that have been covered were given to males. So Gatego was the name of the group initiated when syphilis first appeared in Gĩkũyũ country, Wainaina (kuinaina means to shake) describes those who shivered during the circumcision. Incidentally some of these set names are common names given to males. It would be interesting to see where the connection lies. On top of that the names are great markers of time in Gĩkũyũ history as the initiation took place at regular intervals.
Initiation opened a number of doors. Only an initiated man or woman could marry. It also began a mans journey as a political, religious and judicial member of the tribe. Details involving women are very sketchy at best. It is only now that works regarding the tribe are being done by Gĩkũyũ women.
Much information that could have been gained has been taken to the grave by the female ancestors, owing to the fact that no Gĩkũyũ women were there to record their thoughts and general outlook in life. Early accounts when a lot of knowledge was there for the taking, before pollution by Christianity which took hold relatively fast among the Gikuyu, were written by men and no matter how good , nothing can compare the information narrated directly by a female member of the tribe.
Sadly these practices are no more, and although certainly not advocating for female circumcision, the process surrounding the ceremony is certainly a great loss to the tribe. The male circumcision has also been reduced to the surgical operation in a clinic without the surrounding pomp, ceremony, music and dance.
Marriage:
Marriage was another thing that opened doors especially for the man. A man could not normally join the council of elders unless he was married. The achievement of certain eldership status was tied to a mans children having gone through initiation. Marriage was not just the joining of a man and a woman in holy matrimony but also the joining of two family units (mbarĩ) and probably two clans (mĩhĩrĩga). Its still unclear whether it was possible to marry within a clan as by Gĩkũyũ legends members of the same clan would be descended from the same person and as such were relatives if a bit distant. The whole process of marriage was also very elaborate and the ceremonies must have been fantastic. Marriage itself was an expensive affair for a family, with the rũracio (loosely translated bride price) consisting of up to forty sheep and sometimes heads of cattle. As such, even though the society was polygamous, it is doubtful that the average mwananchi had more than 2 wives.
It’s important to note that the marrying of many wives was not just a desire of a man. His own wife or wives would agitate him to take up more wives. On top of being a symbol of prosperity and who does not want to be seen as prosperous even if it involves sharing a man, this was probably as a result of Gĩkũyũ division of labour among the sexes in which the women did an unusual amount of carrying, the most taxing probably being water and firewood. Water is particularly hard to carry owing to the Gĩkũyũ landscape where the people’s homesteads are at the top of a ridge and the rivers at the bottom. Going up a hill carrying a pot of water is no picnic. The other tasks the woman had to perform are not taxing but annoying in that they must be done every day and on top of that two times a day like cooking. Planting which was done by both sexes, although according to early European accounts the women must have been doing an inordinate amount of this.
The White man in all his wisdom solves these problems by either inventing some machine to do unwanted tasks or ironically enslaving folks, so that they can do things for him that he doesn’t really want to do like they did in colonialism and slavery in the USA.
Political Organization:
The political organisation was closely interwoven with the family and the riika (initiation set). A young man after initiation through circumcision automatically entered into the national council of junior warriors (njama ya anake a mumo). After 82 moons or 12 rain seasons after the circumcision ceremony the junior warrior was promoted to the council of senior warriors (njama ya ita). Together these two councils would be called upon to protect the tribe in case of external aggression. The council of senior warriors was in addition an important decision making organ. The two councils were served by men of 20 – 40 years.
Upon marriage a man was initiated into a council called kiama kĩa kamatimo. This was the first grade eldership and it denoted elders who were also warriors. At this stage the man played the role of observers of senior elders. They are required to assist in proceedings by carrying out menial tasks like skinning animals, being messengers, carrying ceremonial articles or light fires among other tasks.
When a man had a son or a daughter old enough to be circumcised, he was elevated into another council called the council of peace (kiama kĩa mataathi). On entering this council the man was now a man of peace and no longer of the warrior class. He assumed the duty of peace maker in the community.
When a man had had practically all his children circumcised, and his wife (or wives) had passed child-bearing age he reached the last and most honoured status. A council known as kiama kĩa maturanguru (religious and sacrificial council). After paying an ewe which was slaughtered and offered in sacrifice to Ngai (God) the man was invested with powers to lead a sacrificial ceremony at the sacred tree (Mũgumũ mũtĩ wa Igongona). The elders of this grade assumed the role of ‘holy men’. They were high priests. All religious and ethical ceremonies were in their hands. In the Agĩkũyũ society the religious, governance and law functions were closely intertwined with various councils being called upon to perform one of these functions.
It is not quite clear whether women also had councils and what functions these councils served. The initiation ceremony seems to have been organized by a council comprised of both men and women.
Parallel to the said councils the family unit formed a council known as ndundu ya mũcie of which the father was the head. The father as the head of the household then represented the family in the next council called kiama kĩa itora (village council) comprising of all the family heads in the village. This was headed by the senior elder. A wider council called kiama kĩa rũgongo (district council) was formed comprising of all the elders from the district. This was presided over by a committee (kiama kĩa ndundu), composed of all the senior elders in the district. Among the senior elders, the most advanced in age was elected as the head and judge (mũthamaki or mũciiri) of the ndundu. The district councils then came together to form the national council. Among the judges, one was elected to head the meetings.
Land Tenure System:
The Agĩkũyũ had a very complex land tenure system. Due to the way the community was organized on the social and economic level, most of the land was held by family units, mbarĩ. However individual land ownership was also possible. This came about in the very old days by acquiring hunting and cultivation rights to a piece of land. This was done by pegging a piece of forest and clearing it. As time went on and the amount of forests diminished, land had to be purchased from the neighbouring community of the Ndorobo. Ndorobo were mainly hunters and bee keepers and traded with the Agĩkũyũ, by supplying honey and skins in exchange for grains.
Land thus purchased by an individual was owned by the individual as long as he was not married. On marriage, the land became joint property between him and his wife. The man would clear part of his land for the wife to cultivate. She thus acquired cultivations rights to the piece designated. The overall ownership was retained by the husband. The wife referred to this piece of land as”my garden” (mũgũnda wakwa), while she referred to the rest of the land as “our land” (githaaka giito). If the husband took a second wife, the same was repeated. Another part of the land would be cleared by the husband for the second wife to cultivate. The wives would refer to the land as “our land”, while the husband would refer it as “my land”.
No one, except perhaps the husband would encroach on the wives cultivated lands. If a wife needed more land to cultivate, this would be cleared for her. If each of the wives had 2 sons who married 2 wives each, the number of people with cultivation rights would increase to 9. Daughters didn’t inherit land on their fathers’ side but played a role where they were married. Daughters would however also use the land before marriage.
With time as the size of the family increased, land would no longer support all the people. The more prosperous members of the family would move out and purchase land elsewhere. Those with no money would become ahoi or athami, meaning they acquired cultivation and building rights on land belonging to another family unit (mbarĩ). When the first purchaser died, the land would belong to all the sons of the man, who would all retain their cultivation and building rights on the land. The eldest son would play the role of titular or trustee (mũramati).
The mũramati duties were to see that the land was used properly. In case people outside the family group (mbarĩ) wanted to gain cultivating or building rights, he would grant them after consultations with the family. Only in the case where a man had one son would the son inherit the land outright. A man could only sell or give away his land outright when he had full ownership as purchaser or as one who first acquired hunting rights by clearing the land and if he had only one son. If he had many sons, he was no longer alone and would have had to consult them before selling the land. Only if he was a very bad man would he sell the land without consultations, in which case the elders who acted as witnesses to all land transactions would implore on him to think of the welfare of his family.
A mũthami was one given cultivation and building rights on a piece of land belonging to a man or a family group. His history and character would be checked before being accorded such rights. The land was given on condition that the person would respect the rights of the land owning family and keep peace with them. Further, the mũthami was required to give a calabash or gourd of beer to the mũramati or his representative or the owner whenever he had the occasion to brew beer. He was further obliged to help in case of work of emergency such as building houses or cattle pens. In case of a breach of contract in the case of the mũthami, his rights were terminated and were required to vacate the land. The authority to evacuate was vested on the muramati. If he, the mũthami, refused to do so, the matter would be referred to the council of elders who naturally ruled in favour of the mũramati. There was no rent paid by the mũramati. He was of course given sufficient notice to vacate the land and harvest his crop.
A mũhai was one given only cultivation rights and no building rights. He was only obligated to give beer, when he’d brewed sugar cane beer from the land given to him. Like the mũthami, no rent was charged.
A mũramati if he mismanaged the land for instance and a quarrel arose between him and his juniors, the village council (kiama kĩa Itora) would be called and they would divide, if all reconciliation efforts failed, the land between all the male representatives of the family group. The old mũramati was thus now only responsible for his immediate family and could sell the land and move away and buy the land someplace else if he wished. His kin had the first option in such a case. The other family members could elect another mũramati and carry on as before.
In addition to farm land there was land which was free for anyone in a given district to use. This included, pasture where cattle grazed in common. Salt licks (moonyo), mineral springs (irori), in addition to public spaces called ihaaro reserved for meetings and dances. Public roads and paths (njera cia agendi), as well as sacred groves where national sacrifice was offered to Ngai were also used collectively.
When a land sale had taken place, a ceremony was conducted to mark out the boundaries. Only when the agreed sheep and goats had exchanged hands could such a ceremony take place. This was performed by the principle elders of the district. After the ceremony which included the slaughtering of a ram, trees and lilies were planted to mark the new boundary.
The Economy:
The chief occupation of the Agĩkũyũ was farming and rearing of livestock. A family which included a man his wife or wives and their children formed an economic unit. Labour was divided from the homestead to the fields. In house building the work of cutting timber and putting up the framework is done by men, while women cut and carry the grass used for thatching the house. They also plaster the walls with clay or cow dung. Men build fences around the homestead or gardens and cattle pens. They are night watchmen to protect crops against wild animals. Women carry out the entire housework including cooking, cleaning and fetching fire wood and water.
In the field men clear the bush and cut the big trees and break the virgin soil with digging sticks or hoes. Women come behind them and prepare the ground for sowing of seeds. Planting is shared by both sexes. Men plant bananas, yams, sweet potato vines, sugar canes, tobacco, and also provide poles for propping up bananas and yams. Women plant maize, various kinds of beans, millet and sweet potato vines. Weeding is done collectively. Cutting drains or water furrows and pruning banana plants as well as making roads and bridges are the work of men. Harvesting is done primarily by women. Tending of cattle, sheep and goats, as well as slaughtering, distributing meat and preparing skin is entirely men’s duty. Dress-making, pottery and weaving baskets is exclusively women’s profession. Wood-carving, bee-keeping and hunting are men’s occupations. Women take responsibility for grinding corn and millet, for making gruel, and pounding grains in wooden mortars. They also pound sugar-cane for making beer. The brewing of beer is done by women and men. Trading is done by both sexes. Women carry chiefly grains to the market, while men bring sheep, goats or cattle. Faming was mainly done through crop rotation.
Children begin their activities in production very early. When young they are left at home to mind small babies, or are taken to the fields and allowed to play in one corner of cultivated field. As soon as they can handle a digging stick, they are given small allotments to practice on. Parents help in planting seeds and help them distinguish crops from wild plants or weeds. As the child grows a larger field is allocated according to that child’s abilities. Work is done collectively and crops cultivated in the care of the mother who is the managing director of food supply in the homestead. A girl continues to cultivate the plot till marriage, where in case her new homestead is near she continues to cultivate it and take the food to her homestead. If she goes far the fields are left to the mother. The boy takes full control of his fields when he marries.
The wife is in charge of the homes food supply. After the harvest she stores enough grain to feed the family till the next harvest. Excess crops are taken to the markets where it is traded through barter. A wife who manages the economic affairs very well is not only highly regarded in her home but also by the entire community.
Cattle are a sign of wealth, as few people can afford them. Cattle play an economic role especially their hide used for bedding, making sandals and straps for tying firewood and carrying other loads. Cattle are never killed for food save in famine. Bulls and oxen are slaughtered for feasts. Cattle play a part in marriage ceremony, where a cow is given as marriage insurance (rũracio). Sheep and goats were used as currency. The price of almost anything was determined in terms of sheep and goats. Sheep and goats were used for various religious sacrifices and purifications. They are the main supply of meat and skins and are used as articles of clothing. They are also given as marriage insurance (rũracio).
On top of internal trade the Agĩkũyũ also traded with neighbouring tribes, the Maasai and the Akamba. With the Maasai, trade involved spears, swords, tobacco, gourds and red ochre. There are inter-tribal markets where goods are exchanged but sometimes a group of men would organize into a trading guild and take their goods into the heart of Maasai country. This kind of trade would be conducted in the homestead of a friend who acted as the guide and protector of his friends and their goods. As for the Kamba, there are no special items, as both tribes are agriculturalists, unlike the Maasai who are herders. Soft chains, snuff-boxes or carriers, bows and arrows, and herbal medicines were among the articles exchanged in trading or given as presents to friends.
Industry:
Ironworking:
The chief iron articles of pure Gĩkũyũ origin are spears, swords, digging-and clearing knives of different sizes, ear and finger rings, arrow heads, bracelets, axes, fine chains, hammers, tongs and tweezers among many others.
Iron is obtained from washing sand secured from certain districts and in a particular river. The sand is carefully washed in a river by experienced men; the black substances that contain ore are put together and handed over to the women and the children, who help to spread the ore in the sun to dry. The one great demand for iron was during the time of initiation when the new warriors needed spears and swords. New ore didn’t have to be collected for every need.
Recycling was also practiced where old worn out iron items were collected to build new ones.
The dried sand containing iron is put by the smithy in a special fire made from a particular tree and others from a special banana plant. After a ritual the process of smelting is commenced with. Two bellows are employed simultaneously to keep the fire burning. They are worked by assistants who learn the profession by watching the smith doing his work. The bellows are put in motion, the charcoals are carefully laid and the sand is carefully sprinkled over the burning fire. The heat is regulated by adding the required amount of charcoals in the furnace. At the same time, the blowing of the bellows is kept in check. Sometimes the heat is intensified, other times it is slowed down. The ore is reduced to metallic iron, technically known as blooms (gekama).
The smith and his assistants work from morning to evening. In the evening the melted iron is left in the furnace to cool. In the morning the blooms which have collected together into small lumps are taken out of the furnace. These are joined into a big heap by a mass of slag which has overflowed during the melting. After the big pile of slag is taken out the blooms are knocked and collected together. Next, the blooms are heated according to the quantity required to make a spear or a sword or other iron articles. The iron thus beaten as heaps is known as mondwa. If a man wants a spear he will not buy a ready made one, but will buy mondwa and pay the smithy to make him one.
Hut Building:
Gĩkũyũ huts are round with wooden walls and grass thatched roofs. The woman’s hut is called nyũmba and is considered the traditional sacred abode of the family and the proper place to hold communion with the ancestors. All aspects of religious and magical ceremonies and sacrifices which concern the family are centred around the nyũmba. The man’s hut is called thingira where friends and casual visitors are entertained. A hut is built and occupied on the same day. This is achieved by the Gĩkũyũ collective method of working.
To make a good circle, a kind of string compass is employed. A string is put in the centre of the circle and a string tied to it., then a man holds one end of the string and after measuring the required paces, he holds the string tight and then goes round, marking the ground until the circle lines meet. This is called gokurura kiea. When this is done the builders start digging holes in the ground for the outer walls. The holes are about one foot deep and about six inches in diameter. After this the inner circle is marked, which the wall is erected and roof put on. This completes the mens work in building. They build the frame. The women complete the work by thatching and thus the hut is completed.
Pottery:
Pottery was done by women. Certain clans specialized in this work The digging of the clay, beating and softening it, the moulding and drying, burning of the pots and finally the marketing was all done by women. The industry is carried out with two purposes, to satisfy the family needs and for marketing. The latter is the most important factor in deciding whether pots are to be manufactured or not, for unless the potters are satisfied that there is a good market for their articles, they will not undertake the task. Very few potters have good pots for themselves; they sell the good ones to others.
Basket Making:
This is again done by women although a man is not restricted from handling the material while the baskets are being made unlike in pottery. A man may collect the materials and prepare them ready for his female relatives or friends to use. He may however not do the actual work. The baskets are made of strings called mũgio, mũkeo, mwondwe and mũgotha. The barks are chewed or beaten to soften and strengthen them; they are then stretched and put in the sun to dry. The next process is to wind them together into a long string about fifteen feet long. Several of this are mad into balls, similar to those which European women use for knitting. When enough strings are prepared the work of knotting kĩondo, is undertaken. The baskets are of different shapes and sizes according to fashion and taste. Basket-knitting is looked upon as a spare time job. It is generally done in conversations or travelling, or going to and from work.
Apart from baskets, there are two kinds of trays called gĩtaroro (large tray) and gĩtiti (small tray), which are sewn from a creeper called moogo. This is cut from several pieces which are then sewn together. Gĩtaroro is used for winnowing and spreading grain in the sun to dry. Gĩtiti is used as a dish for serving or keeping food cooked and uncooked. This two articles are made chiefly by men although there is no taboo preventing a woman from making them.
Skin Tanning:
All Gĩkũyũ men and women dressed in skins, which made this industry very important. For this purpose also, sheep, goats and cattle would be kept. In every family group (mbarĩ), there would be one or two members specialising in tanning of skins and cutting them into shape for making dresses. There is a marked difference between the skin suitable for a man’s dress and one for a woman’s. Not only do they differ in quality but in the method used in tanning them.
A skin for a woman’s dress has to be made thin and soft for it is said that a woman’s body is made of soft and delicate texture.
The skin made for a woman’s dress is first pegged on the ground to dry. Then, hair is peeled off by a specialist. When the process is complete, the skin is softened by rubbing it in the hands. After this the skin is ready to be measured and cut into the right size. A woman’s skirt takes about 2 skins and an upper garment needs three or four skins. This maybe sheeps or goats. Goat’s skin has more value and longer wear. A woman’s clothes consist of three garments. An upper garment called nguo ya ngoro, a skirt called mũthuru and an apron called Mwengu. Unlike women clothes, a man has only one garment, gĩthii made of kids’ skins or very small calf. Gĩthii for young men are made short covering the body from the shoulders to just below the heaps. The only other garment is the apron, gĩthere worn only for ceremonial dances. The elders wear a long gĩthii. Chiefs and rich men wear a more elaborate gĩthii made of fur, whilst the lower ranks wear gĩthii made of sheep skins.
Special Professions
The Medicine Man, Mũndũ Mũgo:
Throughout the Gĩkũyũ nation, medicine men were employed in curing diseases and also curing people inflicted by evil spirits. They also provided several magical charms covering all fields from love to protection during war. In fact before the warriors went to war a medicine man would be consulted, a practice which found some revival during the mau mau war for independence.
Medicine men had great knowledge in the use of herbal leaves for medicine, thus great knowledge in medicinal plants. The medicine man, of course had a very special place at the heart of Gĩkũyũ nation. They elicited a lot of resistance from the missionaries being called satanic. There exist herbal medicine practitioners in the Kenya of today. It would be interesting to find out, what link, if any, they have to the medicine man of old. The medicine man in the old days was not just an expert in herbs but had to communicate with the spirits to see if a persons afflictions came from that other world, and if so what would have to be done to appease the spirits, so that the person could regain his good health. Certainly the use of magical charms is not part of the Gĩkũyũ nation that I grew up in, although being an urban child; I might not be at the position to quite know. Magical charms are nowadays associated more with our neighbours the Kamba
The Seer, Mũrathi:
In the Gĩkũyũ nation there existed great seers, the most famous one probably being a man by the name of C(h)ege son of Kĩbirũ or Cege wa Kĩbirũ, later called Mũgo wa Kĩbirũ, who prophesized the coming of the white man to the Gĩkũyũ nation, saying there would come people who’d have bodies like kiengere, a small light coloured frog which lives in water and whose dress would resemble ciĩuhuruta (butterflies). They’d carry magical sticks which would produce fire. Further he prophesized the coming of the railway line that would stretch from one water body in the east to another in the west and the train which he described as an iron snake that would spit fire. Further this snake would ‘eat’ people and ‘vomit’ them out. He also predicted the coming of the famine that would signal the coming of the strangers with bodies like kiengere.
Some of today’s scholars may cast doubt on these prophecies on account that Mũgo wa Kĩbirũ must have known some of the things from Gĩkũyũ who might have travelled to the coast for trade purposes, and certainly it would have been easy to know about guns and clothing from the Arabs and whites at the coast but the railway line (built 1896 – 1901) and the train are a different proposition. The steam engine train was a relatively new invention which started being operational in 1825. Further the Africans would have had to be on extremely friendly terms with the Arabs and whites for them to gain that information, if at all the Arabs knew about it. Secondly while Leakey says that trade contacts existed between Arabs and the Kikuyu for a while, it is possible that these contacts existed only in certain parts of the Gĩkũyũ nation and not everywhere.
Boyes in his accounts testifies that he was the first white man that the Gĩkũyũ he came to rule had ever seen and that he was an object of a lot of curiosity. He even further goes on to use a trick to show his white powers, by shooting a hole through a soft barked tree. Lastly if items like guns and Arabs were common knowledge in Gĩkũyũ land, then the prophecy wouldn’t have been met with such astonishment. Details about when Mugo wa Kibiru lived, when he died or even where exactly he lived are extremely sketchy.
Another seer was Kongo wa Magana who was the grandfather of the first president of the Kenyan nation, Jomo Kenyatta aka Kamau wa Ngengi, who is also the author of one of the most comprehensive accounts of the Gikuyu to date (Facing Mount Kenya).
Witchdoctors, Arogi :
These were some of the most hated people in Agĩkũyũ country. They used their magic and poisons for evil. They practised their craft in great secrecy as being found out as a witchdoctor meant certain death by being burnt. The fire set by ones own relative, no less. This, in a society, where one could get away with murder under certain circumstances.
The Blacksmith, Mũturi:
Obviously the Gĩkũyũ society was heavily dependant on iron tools in times of war and peace. As such the smiths’ family held a special place in Agĩkũyũ society. The smiths curses were also much feared and people did well not to incur them. The trade was passed on from father to son. It was a skill practised only by men, even though the entire family was involved especially in the procurement of iron ore from the river beds. This, like most other things are skills that went under in the post colonial period. Although described as primitive by Routledge, who thought he was standing at the dawn of the prehistoric man, they incorporated very modern themes like recycling. Generally anything lost no matter how irrelevant to today’s world is a big loss.
Music, Song And Dance:
The Gĩkũyũ were and still are a musical folk. Music and dance played an important role in traditional life and during the mau mau (Kenya Land Defence Army) freedom war. The dancing seemed to have captured the imagination of early white anthropologists and missionaries. The missionaries deemed some of the dancing as being too provocative, and condemned them along with many things associated with tribal life as demonic. This is especially true with the dances held after initiation. Sadly most of these dances disappeared alongside with many things Gigĩkũyũ during and after colonialism. Initiation is no longer a shared experience that bonds a given group of the same age for life but a private affair for young men in a clinic somewhere. How useful a video camera would have been in those days! Gĩkũyũ of nowadays is transported through normal mode of recorded sound and video.
Gĩkũyũ musical Instruments:
The Agĩkũyũ had very few musical instruments, most songs being done vocally. Kenyatta, in facing Mt. Kenya identifies only four kinds of musical instruments in the whole of the Gĩkũyũ country. These are:
1. Drum (Kĩihembe (or ndarama today)) was restricted in use to very few ceremonial songs and dances. It is used to supply rhythms to particular swinging dances and songs called njong’wa. The only other occasion when the drums are used is in a procession of young men and young women when they are in a parade, kĩonano, which takes place at the opening of seasonal day of dances and songs called gĩichukia kĩa mũthenya or kĩbata.
2. Large rattle (Kĩgamba): This was worn chiefly by men, women only wearing during initiation ceremonies. It’s main purpose was to provide rhythm to dances. It was made of an oval metal sheet folded and resembling a banana fruit and was filled with bullets, ng’arang’ari, which produced musical sound according to the movements of the person wearing them. It was fastened below the knee, with a strap which extended above the joint. It was worn only during special occasions, such as war dances and initiation ceremonies.
3. Small rattle (Njigiri) are made of the same material as the large ones and are of similar shape, the only difference being in size. The Njigiri is between one and two and a half inches. It’s chief use was as an ornament and to provide walking rhythm. It was worn on the lower part of the ankle. Some people preferred only one of this rattles but some others wore more than a dozen threaded together on leather straps. This rattles were also used in training children in the proper use of the right hand. The rattles were tied to the childs right hand and by tinkling the rattles a child’s hand was strengthened.
4. Flute (Mũtũriro) made of bark or shrub and is of temporary nature. A certain shrub called mũkeo or mũgio, is cut according to the size of the flute required. Several holes are cut for producing several notes. Some people prefer four holes, others six or eight. Materials also vary from bamboo or the shrubs named above, which means a new flute every day.
The Gĩkũyũ flute was never used to lead a dance, only for leisure, or as comfort when a man was in grief or feeling lonesome. The flute was also played when a man was guarding the millet crop from the birds. A high platform called gĩtara is built in the middle of the field, where a man scares away the birds with a sling. The art of playing the flute was not practiced by women but they are keen listeners and it was also played by the men folk for them. In fact the flute was mostly played by boys and young men.
Mass Communication:
Important communications in the Gĩkũyũ nation were relayed by means of ceremonial horns (coro). Unlike other African tribes the Gĩkũyũ did not employ drums in transmitting information. If drum messages were received from neighbouring tribes, they were relayed further in Gĩkũyũ country by sounding particular horns. The horn was used to announce the beginning of the planting season, during initiation ceremonies and when sacrifices were offered, to announce the day that an execution were to take place and at the end of the execution.
Spatial Organization:
The Gĩkũyũ country is spectacular by any account. It was then as it is now. This especially in the areas very close to the snow capped Mt. Kenya like Nyeri and Murang’a districts. The country consists of a series of huge valleys and ridges criss-crossed by various streams and rivers. This is however torturous, especially to the women who had to fetch water from rivers which were at the bottom of the ridge and then bring the water up. The advent of rain harvesting tanks made life much easier for the women.
The Agĩkũyũ due to their nature of worship had no need for ceremonial huge buildings which formed the main and spectacular architecture in pre-industrial European societies. God was worshipped under a sacred fig tree, a mũgumo or better a mũkũyũ (some even believe that it is this tree that gave the tribe it’s name) in the nature.
Ngai was at home in the big mountains and his people didn’t need a special house to worship and sacrifice, Ngai having provided them with spectacular nature.
As such the only significant architecture was in the home, which was composed of a series of round huts, built in a circle. This would house a man, his wife or wives and their kids. Further there might have been cattle pens for keeping cows, if a family was thus endowed. Apart from this there were also granaries ikũmbe where grain was stored.
There were a series of open spaces for collective or communal use. This included pasture lands where cattle from different families would graze. The other open space known as kĩhaaro was used for community gatherings such as social events like after initiation and also legal venues where cases would be presented and judged by the council of elders. Naturally connecting various homesteads were paths or roads known as njĩra cia agenda. It is not clear where markets were situated or whether the kĩhaaro doubled up as a market space.
The Concept Of Time:
The Agĩkũyũ had four seasons and two harvests in one year. These were divided as follows
1. Mbura ya njahĩ [The Season of Big Rain] from March to July, Wangarĩ Maathai, the Kenyan environmentalist and Nobel Price Winner was born in this season.
2. Magetha ma njahĩ [The season of the big harvest] between July and Early October
3. Mbura ya Mwere [Short rain season] from October to January
4. Magetha ma Mwere [the season of harvesting millet]
Further, time was recorded through the initiation. Each initiation group was given special name. According to Professor Godfrey Mũriũki, The individual initiation sets are then grouped into a regiment every nine calendar years. Before a regiment or army set, there was a period in which no initiation of boys took place. This period lasted a total of four and a half calendar years [nine seasons in Gĩkũyũ land, each season referred to as imera] and is referred to as mũhingo, initiation taking place at the start of the fifth year and going on annually for the next nine calendar years. This was the system adopted in Metumi [Mũrang’a]. The regiment or army sets also get special names, some of which seem to have ended up as popular male names. In Gaki [Nyeri] the system was inversed with initiation taking place annually for four calendar years, which would be followed by a period of nine calendar years in which no initiation of boys took place [mũhingo]. Girls on the other hand were initiated every year. Several regiments then make up a ruling generation.
Professor Mũriũki approximates a ruling generation to last an average of 35 years. The names of the initiation and regiment sets vary within Gĩkũyũ land. The ruling generations are however uniform and provide very important chronological data. On top of that, the initiation sets were a way of documenting events within the Gĩkũyũ nation, so, for example, were the occurrence of small pox and syphilis recorded. Girls’ initiation sets were also accorded special names, although there has been little research in this area. Mũriũki only unearths three sets, whose names are, Rũharo [1894], Kibiri/ Ndũrĩrĩ [1895], Kagica [1896], Ndutu/ Nuthi [1897].
All these names are taken from Metumi [Mũrang’a] and Kabete [Kĩambu]. It is strange that professor Mũriũki didn’t do more research in this area because he states that the girls’ initiation took place annually.
According to Hobley each initiation generation, riika, extended over two years. The ruling generation at the arrival of the Europeans was called Maina. It is said that Maina handed over to Mwangi in 1898. Hobley asserts that the following sets were grouped under Maina – Kĩnũthia, Karanja, Njũgũna, Kĩnyanjui, Gathuru and Ng’ang’a. Professor Mũriũki however puts these sets much earlier, namely Karanja and Kĩnũthia belong to the Ciira ruling generation which ruled from the year 1722 to 1756, give or take 25 years according to Mũriũki. Njũgũna, Kĩnyanjui, Ng’ang’a belong to the Mathathi ruling generation that ruled from 1757 to 1791 give or take 20 years according to Mũriũki.
The ruling generations [riika] according to Mũriũki, which he used to trace the history of the Agĩkũyũ to the year 1500 or there abouts.
1. Manjiri 1512 – 46 ± 55
2. Mamba 1547 – 81 ± 50
3. Tene 1582 – 1616 ± 45
4. Agu 1617 – 51 ± 40
5. Manduti 1652 – 86 ± 40
6. Cuma 1687 – 1721 ± 30
7. Ciira 1722 – 56 ± 25
8. Mathathi 1757 – 1791 ± 20
9. Ndemi 1792 – 1826 ± 15
10. Iregi 1827 – 1861 ± 10
11. Maina 1862 – 97 ± 5
12. Mwangi 1898?
Mathew Njoroge Kabetũs list reads,
Tene, Kĩyĩ, Aagu, Ciĩra, Mathathi, Ndemi, Iregi, Maina [Ngotho], Mwangi
Gakaara wa Wanjaũs list reads
Tene, Nemathĩ, Kariraũ, Aagu, Tiru, Cuma, Ciira, Ndemi, Mathathi, Iregi, Maina, Mwangi, Irũngũ, Mwangi wa Mandũti. The last two generations came after 1900.
One of the earliest recorded lists by Mc Gregor reads (list taken from a history of unchanged)
Manjiri, Mandoti, Chiera, Masai, Mathathi, Ndemi, Iregi, Maina, Mwangi, Muirungu
Professors Mũriũkis list must be given precedence in this area as he conducted extensive research in this area starting 1969, and had the benefit of all earlier literature on the subject as well as doing extensive field work in the areas of Gaki [Nyeri], Metumi [Mũrang’a] and Kabete [Kĩambu]. On top of the ruling generations, he also gives names of the regiments or army sets from 1659 [within a margin of error] and the names of annual initiation sets beginning 1864. The list from Metumi [Mũrang’a] is most complete and differentiated.
Mũriũkis is also the most systematically defined list, so far. Suffice to say that most of the most popular male names in Gĩkũyũ land were names of riikas [initiation sets].
Here is Mũriũkis list of the names of regiment sets in Metumi [Mũrang’a].
These include Kiariĩ [1665 - 1673], Cege [1678 - 1678], Kamau [1704 - 1712], Kĩmani [1717 - 1725], Karanja [1730 - 1738], Kĩnũthia [1743 - 1751], Njũgũna [1756 - 1764], Kĩnyanjui [1769 - 1777] , Ng’ang’a [1781 - 1789], Njoroge [1794 - 1802], Wainaina [1807 - 1815], Kang’ethe [1820 - 1828] Mbugua [1859 – 1867], Njenga or Mbira Itimu [872 – 80], Mutung’u or Mburu [1885 – 1893]
H.E. Lambert who dealt with the riikas extensively has the following list of regiment sets from Gichũgũ and Ndia. It should be remembered that this names were unlike ruling generations not uniform in Gĩkũyũ land. It should also be noted that Ndia and Gachũgũ followed a system where initiation took place every annually for four years and then a period of nine calendar years followed where no initiation of boys took place. This period was referred to as mũhingo.
Karanja [1759 - 1762], Kĩnũthia [1772 - 1775], Ndũrĩrĩ [1785 - 1788], Mũgacho [1798 - 1801] , Njoroge [1811 - 1814], Kang’ethe [1824 - 1827], Gitaũ [ 1837 - 1840], Manyaki [1850 - 1853], Kiambuthi [1863 - 1866], Watuke [1876 - 1879], Ngũgĩ [1889 - 1892], Wakanene [1902 - 1905]
The remarkable thing in this list in comparison to the Metumi one is how some of the same names are used, if a bit off set. Ndia and Gachũgũ are extremely far from Metumi. Gaki on he other hand, as far as my geographical understanding of Gĩkũyũ land is concerned should be much closer to Metumi, yet virtually no names of regiment sets are shared. It should however be noted that Gaki had a strong connection to the Maasai living nearby.
The ruling generation names of Maina and Mwangi are also very popular male Gĩkũyũ names. The theory is also that Waciira is also derived from ciira [case], which is also a very popular name among male Agĩkũyũ. This would call into question, when it was exactly that children started being named after the parents of one parents. Had that system, of naming ones kids after ones parents been there from the beginning, there would be very few male names in circulation. This is however not the case, as there are very many Gĩkũyũ male names. My theory is though that the female names are much less, with the names of the full-nine daughters of Mũmbi being most prevalent.
Gakaara wa Wanjaũ supports this view when he writes in his book, Mĩhĩrĩga ya Aagĩkũyũ page 29.
“Hingo ĩyo ciana cia arũme ciatuagwo marĩĩtwa ma mariika ta Watene, Cuma, Iregi kana Ciira. Nao airĩĩtu magatuuo marĩĩtwa ma mĩhĩrĩga tauria hagwetetwo nah au kabere, o nginya hingo iria maundu maatabariirwo thuuthaini ati ciana ituagwo aciari a mwanake na a muirĩĩtu.”
Freely translated it means
“In those days the male children were given the names of the riika [initiation set] like Watene, Cuma, Iregi or Ciira. Girls were on the other hand named after the clans that were named earlier until such a time as it was decided to name the children after the parents of the man and the woman.”
From this statement it is not clear whether the girls were named ad-hoc after any clan, no matter what clan the parents belonged to. Naming them after the specific clan that the parents belonged to would have severely restricted naming options.
This would strangely mean that the female names are the oldest in Gĩkũyũ land, further confirming its matrilineal descent. As far as male names are concerned, there is of course the chicken and the egg question, of when a name specifically appeared but some names are tied to events that happened during the initiation. For example Wainaina refers to those who shivered during circumcision. Kũinaina [to shake or to shiver].
There was a very important ceremony known as Ituĩka in which the old guard would hand over the reigns of government to the next generation. This was to avoid dictatorship. Kenyatta relates of how once in the land of the Agĩkũyũ, there ruled a despotic King called Gĩkũyũ, grandson of the elder daughter [Wanjirũ according to Leakey] of the original Gĩkũyũ of Gĩkũyũ and Mũmbi fame. After he was deposed of, it was decided that the government should be democratic, which is how the Ituĩka came to be. This legend of course calls into question when it was exactly that the matrilineal rule set in. The last Ituĩka ceremony where the riika of Maina handed over power to the Mwangi generation, took place in 1898-9 [Hobley]. The next one was supposed to be held in 1925 – 1928 [Kenyatta] but was thwarted by the colonial imperialist government. And one by one Gĩkũyũ institutions crumbled.
The Law:
Every household head, the man of the house acted as the first instance in disputes arising around his homestead. If there was a big dispute, then he called on heads of the family within his family unit, mbarĩ. If this failed then it was time to move to the highest court of the land.
The highest court of the land consisted of the elders of three stages, junior elders called kiama kĩa kamatimo, who were mainly there as trainees of law and had such functions as to fetch firewood and water and light fires. They could not yet judge a case. The next council of elders kiama kĩa mataathi were the main judges. Other than that there was a council of elders called kiama kĩa maturanguru who were the eldest and most experienced and were called upon to assist in intricate parts of the law. A man entered this council when practically all his children were circumcised and his wife or wives were past child bearing age.
Cases brought before the council of elders were heard in the meeting space also known as kĩhaaro. The elders heard from both parties. In making a case the concerned parties would use twigs given to the elders after each concrete complaint was made. After the arguments were made, an open session followed in which elders expressed their opinions for or against either party. At the end of this a special committee, ndundu, was formed that would deliver judgement. This retired to a place where no one could here their deliberations and only came out when a decision was reached. An appeal was possible if one of the parties didn’t agree with the ruling.
Oaths played a significant part in the judicial process. Fear of breaking the oath and the misfortunes that would befall one prevented people from giving false testimonies, as well as brought defenders to justice by means of a guilty conscience and confession. Curses acted as good deterrents against crime. Most cases heard by the kiama involved debts resulting from transactions of sheep, goats or cattle, exchanged in buying land or paying marriage insurances (rũracio). There were also a few criminal cases involving murder, trespass, assault, theft and witchcraft. The last two were the worst crimes. Theft for first time offenders was not serious but perpetual offenders would face death just like proven witchdoctors.
Fees to the council was a ram. Beer would also have to be brewed and offered when a case was being opened. Interestingly for murder cases the compensation for a mans life and a womans life varied greatly. The loss of a mans life was fixed at one hundred sheep or goats or ten cows. That of a womans life was fixed at thirty sheep or goats or three cows.
Cheers! Njoro
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