Interestingly enough, in his book Krekar, who considers himself a true Muslim scholar, is very dismissive of Osama bin Laden and most other ‘leaders’ whom he thinks do not really know Islamic law. And yet, here he suggest Bin Laden as the next Caliph [ie, Mohammed's stand-in]. (By IslamInEuropeBlog)

The entire interview is available on YouTube (in Arabic).

———–

In a new interview Mulla Krekar says that he wishes Osama bin Laden and other radical Islamist leaders will be heads of an Islamic super-state.

“The Muslims will become like the Jews in Europe, right until they establish a caliphate [ed: Islamic state]. Without a state we have no value,” says mulla Krekar in a new interview with the al-Hiwar TV channel.

The interview was broadcast on the Arab satellite channel in October, and is accessible on YouTube. Neither the Norwegian nor the international press mentioned this interview earlier.

In the interview mulla Krekar speaks with the Islamist scholar Azzaz Tamimi. In the long interview conducted in the mulla’s home in Grønland, Oslo, he also deals with the conditions for dialog with the West. In this context Krekar clarifies what he thinks of Osama bin Laden and al-Qaeda.

“When we have an Islamic state, lead by one like Osama Bin Ladne, with a foreign minister like Gulbuddin Hekmatyar or Ayman Al-Zawahiri, then we can speak with then [ed: the West], as equal parties,” says Krekar.

Hekmatyar is the leader of the Taliban-allied party Hezb-e Islami in Afghanistan. Al-Zawahiri is bin Laden’s deputy in the al-Qaeda terror network.

The interviewer Tamimi, who like Krekar has a background in the Islamist movement the Muslim Brotherhood, confronts the mulla saying his statement will make the Norwegians afraid.

“This, that you hope for an Islamic state led by Osama bin Laden, it makes the Norwegians scared?,” asks Tamimi.

“Yes… even if it scares them – good!”

Krekar doesn’t regret the interview with the Arab TV channel.

“What do I have to lose in this interview? I get attention from south and north regardless. This interview doesn’t hurt me,” Krekar said in commentary to VG Nett.

Q: Do you support Osama bin Laden?

A: I describe him as he is, I compare him. If I supported al-Qaeda, I would say it without fear,” says Krekar and repeats that he has no connections with the terror network.

In the interview Krekar uses the word “Caliphate” to describe the state where he sees the al-Qaeda heads as leaders.

“The Caliphate is the final station for this movement. Jihadists think that all borders are illegitimate. With the exception of the Islamic emirate under the Taliban, no state today is legitimate in their eyes. The Jihadis are engaged in winning territorial control, doesn’t matter where, and establishing emirate they think will expand and overlap each other and then grow together into an over-national unit,” says terrorism expert Brynjar Lia of the Norwegian Defence Research Establishment.

“But they’re less clear on what this will be and how it should look.”

Q: Krekar says that when such a Caliphate is founded, it can be relevant to have dialog?

A: This is not so different from what Zawahiri and others have said. If the USA pulls back from the Islamic world and Israel stops to exist, the Jihadists can consider dialog. The West can continue to exits as long as they accept the Caliphate as a dominating power in the world. They have offered a ceasefire several time to the Americans and Europeans, but not to Israel and the Jews.

In the interview Krekar says that he won’t rule out that in 20 years there can be an Islamic state led by Osama bin Laden, and suggest that Muslims should treat the est in the same way the West treats Muslims.

“Which of our enemies aren’t like us? Why are we not proud of those who stand in the middle of the battle and frightens the world’s biggest superpower?” asks Krekar rhetorically and points to the fact that Israeli and American leaders also boast of their own efforts in war.

In the interview he also claims that the Jihadist Islamist group Ansar al-Islam continues to fight against the Americans in Iraq and controls several areas there, though he admits that the resistance has weakened after the Americans allied with the Sunni Muslim tribe leaders in order to limit the uprising.

“Thank God,” says Krekar to VG Nett about Ansar al-Islam’s ongoing activities.

Q: Do you have any connection with them today?

A: “I have nothing to do with them,” says Krekar and end the short telephone interview with VG Nett.

Source: VG (Norwegian) and islamineuropeblog

Marakwet West district children’s officer Peter Kutere said the government had criminalised forced circumcision of girls and warned parents that they risked being jailed if their daughters underwent the rite.

source.nation.ke

Only quick, concerted international action can avert a nationwide war and keep the peace.

By Eric Reeves

Northampton, Mass. – Sudan, the largest country in Africa, is on the verge of plunging into yet another north/south civil war. International failure to guarantee the key provisions of a linchpin peace agreement means that a renewed war could be the most widespread and destructive in the country’s half century of independence.

The 2005 “Comprehensive Peace Agreement” (CPA) between the present National Islamic Front/National Congress Party (NIF/NCP) regime in Khartoum and the southern Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) ended one of Africa’s longest civil wars, with nominal agreement on security, wealth sharing, and governance issues.

However, the international community – including the African Union, the US, the European Union, and China – has not taken implementation of the peace agreement seriously enough for oil-rich Sudan. This has enabled Khartoum to renege on key elements of the agreement with little consequence and to manipulate ethnic, political, and military tensions throughout the region.

Without meaningful pressure, the NIF/NCP regime has also delayed the legislation that will guide a referendum in which South Sudan votes on whether to secede or remain part of a unified Sudanese state. The vote is scheduled for January 2011, but referendum legislation is already two years behind schedule. The self-determination vote is critical for all of Sudan, and if compromised, southern Sudanese are likely to consider this the final straw and resort to renewed war to gain the independence the majority seeks. In anticipation, Khartoum may launch a preemptive military campaign.

This is particularly bad news.

Potential war could quickly escalate to include other marginalized regions within Sudan, including the Darfur region of western Sudan. Conflict there over the past seven years has already led to the death of hundreds of thousands of civilians and displaced some 3 million people.

Increased tensions throughout Sudan make it probable that if the 2005 north/south peace agreement collapses, Darfur’s massive conflict will be but one component of the first nationwide war in Sudan, The potential of such conflict to destabilize the country and the region can hardly be overstated.

Who else would participate in a war in Sudan?

Tensions are high in the Nuba Mountains and southern Blue Nile regions, as well as in eastern Sudan. Although lying geographically in northern Sudan, all were allied with the SPLM during the civil war that raged from 1983 through the peace agreement of 2005. More than 2 million people died, and as many as 5 million were displaced – and much of the worst fighting occurred in these areas.

That’s why Khartoum’s refusal to demarcate the north/south border, one of its most fundamental obligations under the terms of the 2005 agreement, is of urgent concern. This refusal has led to dangerous military escalation on both sides of a region lying in the midst of Sudan’s very large oil reserves. The regime’s military strategy in the event of war would probably be to control as much of the southern reserves as possible and create a vast defensive perimeter. Southern resistance would almost certainly be fierce and civilian casualties heavy.

Complicating the political situation, national elections for all government offices are also fast approaching. Though scheduled for April 2010, deliberate delays by Khartoum have made them logistically impossible. Signs already indicate that these elections will not be free and fair but rather an occasion for the regime to use its control of the electoral machinery and its vast patronage system in an effort to retain power and to regain international legitimacy.

Indeed, electoral interference has already begun in earnest. The Carter Center, for example, reports that its election monitors have not been accredited to observe the huge voter registration drive now under way.

Although the leadership in South Sudan has made its share of mistakes, it is not guilty of the massive bad faith that we see from Khartoum. Still, the reason Sudan is poised to explode lies in international failure to hold the regime to benchmarks and commitments that are clearly spelled out in the 2005 agreement, and others.

What should the international community do?

Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton announced a Sudan policy last month that aims for “a definitive end to conflict, gross human rights abuses, and genocide in Darfur” and “implementation of the CPA that results in a peaceful post-2011 Sudan or an orderly transition to two separate and viable states.” Confidential punitive and encouraging measures targeting Khartoum supposedly provide the leverage for these goals. But while this policy might be fine in the abstract, the notion that the US can fine-tune selective unilateral pressures and incentives in a way that will change the regime’s behavior in time to create a conducive electoral environment and avert war seems dangerously naive.

US pressures and incentives must be accompanied by corresponding diplomatic investment in moving key international actors to demand that Khartoum fulfill its obligations under the peace agreement. An arms embargo on all of Sudan is a key first source of leverage, especially since China is the primary supplier of weapons that clearly violate the current UN arms embargo on Darfur.

The European Union should do more to squeeze commercial and capital investments benefiting only the northern economy, and to end violations of its own arms embargo on Sudan. Britain and Norway were both instrumental in negotiating the 2005 peace agreement, and should be pushed to serve as guarantors for its implementation. Kenya was also a key CPA negotiating partner and has a clear interest in preventing resumption of war to its north. Unfortunately, the African Union Peace and Security Commission has been ineffective in confronting Khartoum over its failures to honor the CPA; it must be made to see how disastrous resumed conflict in Sudan would be for the credibility of the organization.

Only concerted, energetic international action in the near term – ideally coordinated through the United Nations Security Council – can improve the likelihood that the peace agreement will survive and avert a further slide toward war.
_____________________________
Eric Reeves
Smith College
Northampton, MA  01063

By FP Correspondent

Classic cars are all set to crossover into Tanzania today as the Kenya Airways East African Safari Classic action enters Day three.

On Monday, crews traversed the sandy Coast region in Vipingo, MacKinnon Road, Mwatate before pulling in to the Taita Hills Lodge for the second day’s night stop.

Organisers had made prior arrangements to have the immigration documentations sorted out at Whitesands well in advance. Crews will only have to present their passports at the Taita Taveta border for stamping before driving into Tanzania which host Day three and four.

In addition, all arrangements are now in place for the hotel accommodation at Ngurdoto Hotel to house the drivers and officials at the two-day night halts in Arusha.

Part of the glamour includes tomorrow’s spectacular stage west of Arusha in Tanzania where the rally cars will first circumnavigate

Lake Manyara— prior to climbing to the top of the Mbulu Escarpment ascending 900 metres (2,950 feet) in a road distance of some 17kms (10.5miles).

“It is one of the most spectacular stages of the event and certainly one affording some of the most amazing views back across Lake Manyara to the Ngorogoro Crater,” Event Director Surinder Thatthi said.

This year, the rally does not stay in Nairobi for a night but concentrates on using Safari lodges for its halts. This enables it to use rally roads that take the crews to less-visited places as well as to the normal tourist sights. The major innovation this year is that no less than three of the night halts are used for two consecutive nights, namely in Arusha (Tuesday and Wednesday), Amboseli (Thursday and Friday) and Naivasha on Saturday and Sunday. With Kenya Airways on board for the third year as the main sponsors of the rally, the East African Safari Classic is able to run an event not only beneficial to the competitors and organisers, but one that can contribute economically to the country.

Surinder was enthusiastic about the commercial aspect of the classic. He said: ” Kenya stands to gain a lot from the Safari Classic in terms of revenue from the competitors, spectators and tourists. The hotels alone will earn US$ 39,5000 (Sh30,810,000) over the period of the rally. In addition to the accommodation, Kenya Wildlife Services will be paid $20,000 (Sh1.5m) plus Sh 350,000 for entering the National Parks. Direct spending by teams and their crews will amount to $2m (Sh15m) and the value to East Africa of worldwide television coverage of the event is estimated at $12 million (Sh90m).’’

source.standard.ke

This is a sign of things to come when Kenya will decide on the next president in 2012. ODM is falling, so it seems, even Kosgey the chairman is now leaving Raila and siding with Ruto. This is when we say blood is thicker than water.

Is Raila losing grip of Rift Valley?

By Biketi Kikechi and Alex Ndegwa

Prime Minister Raila Odinga’s pursuit of clearance of human settlements from Mau Forest and subsequent exchange with Rift Valley leaders Is reshaping the political landscape ahead of 2012 General Election.

Already there are signs his shadow wars with some Rift Valley leaders led by Agriculture Minister William Ruto, a battle fought without mention of names, could have opened a door for the entry into the battle for the vote-rich province by his deputy Uhuru Kenyatta and Vice-President Kalonzo Musyoka.

The momentum of speculation the province, which is as rich in political rifts as it is with geographical features, which give it its rugged topography, is lent credence by Uhuru and Ruto’s earlier litmus test for a Kalenjin-Kikuyu Alliance.

Kalonzo, on the other hand, is associated with the proposal for a Kikuyu-Kalenjin-Kamba Alliance, and his trouble-free public meeting in Ruto’s home turf last week betrayed his renewed interest in what the province has to offer in a presidential race.

Prime Minister Raila Odinga

To cap it all, Uhuru, who was the first to side with Ruto when the Mau evictions were mooted, will on Wednesday lead a fund-raiser for the Mau evictees together with Kalonzo.

The reunion brings together two bitter rivals of Raila who walked out on him in the heat of 2007 cruising campaigns, and Ruto, his latest political rival who has declared his name like the PM’s will be on the 2012 presidential ballot paper.

The sensitivity of the upcoming possible realignment was discernible from the fact that President Kibaki and the PM met with select top Government officials to be briefed on security intelligence report that the fundraiser could precipitate a crisis and excite emotions.

It is reported the two leaders were told the fund-raiser would cast the Cabinet as divided and undermine the Government position that there was no humanitarian crisis in the Mau, and food, shelter and transport for the affected families were guaranteed.

After the meeting at Harambee House, however, it was not clear what was decided but one thing was obvious: the harambee would go on as planned for the organisers were still publicising it on Tuesday night. There was also one other certainty, Raila was not invited to the fundraiser.

The political scenario unravelling in the Rift Valley, where Raila was last week in Bomet, seems to still enjoy grassroots support but could be losing grip of the elected leaders, took an interesting turn on Monday when ODM Chairman Henry Kosgey, also said he disagreed with the PM’s approach on the Mau issue.

Kosgey has hitherto been Raila’s dependable ally in the province, having even directly warned Ruto’s bid for the Presidency if not well thought-out could alienate the community from other Kenyans.

The renewed clamour for a grip of the Rift Valley is triggering questions whether the PM will be a victim of Mau conservation, for which he has said for nationalistic and environmental reasons he is ready to pay the price. It is bound to raise the question how would he plug the hole left in his battleship by the exit of Rift leaders, if it happens. He has already showed signs he would be working with the non-Kalenjin communities in the province such as the Masai and Turkana, as well as directly engaging Kalenjins by bypassing their leaders. The warm reception in Bomet and Pokot last week must have buoyed him as it appeared to show he is still popular at the grassroots among the wider Kalenjin community.

Two local MPs, the Reverend Julius Murgor (Kapenguria) and Wilson Litole (Sigor) attended the Raila meeting last week in West Pokot, that was skipped by Information Minister Samuel Poghisio.

The minister appeared the following day at a meeting with Ruto in Trans Nzoia, the same day his party leader Kalonzo was hosted by Eldoret East MP Margaret Kamar in her constituency in Uasin Gishu, under which Ruto’s falls.

Kalonzo flew to the region in a Kenya Airforce helicopter last week and spent the whole weekend meeting with allies and courting new political friends.

Cherangany MP Joshua Kutuny says Kalonzo first reached out to the Rift Valley electorate when he sided with leaders in reconciling communities after the post-elections violence.

“We all wanted people reconciled after post-election violence while some of the leaders we supported during the last elections demanded that our leaders be tried in courts of law when they knew very well that post- election violence was not planned,” said Kutuny.

Kutuny said the Mau issue has further isolated Raila because Ruto, Uhuru and Kalonzo have demanded that alternative land be provided before people are evicted,” said Kutuny.

Kalonzo and Uhuru also helped defeat the vote of no-confidence Motion tabled by Ikolomani MP Bonny Khalwale against Ruto in Parliament.

Kalonzo recently added an extra ‘K’ on the earlier mooted ‘KK’ alliance, indicating he was ready and willing to lead his Kamba community into forging an alliance with Ruto in the Rift Valley and Uhuru in Central Province.

Ruto was expected to meet Kalonzo at Segero AIC Church on Sunday, when Raila moved his tour to Chepalungu in the South Rift. Ruto’s allies Eldoret Mayor William Rono and Wareng County Council chairman Paul Kiprop were with Kalonzo throughout the tour.

Both Rono and Kiprop made veiled attacks on Raila for allegedly pushing “our People out of the forest like wild animals”.

Kalonzo took the opportunity to support the Truth Justice and Reconciliation Commission led by Betwell Kiplagat instead of threatening to handle post-election violence cases through courts.

During the tour, Raila insisted that the squatters had to be moved out of the forest to pave way for rehabilitation, while Kalonzo complained those being evicted were being “treated like chicken”.

Kalonzo has stepped up efforts to shore up his political standing in Rift Valley against the backdrop of the falling out in ODM over Mau saga.

“He (Kalonzo) has been very consistent in dealing with issues that directly affect people in the North Rift region and other parts of the province,” said Cherangany MP Kutuny.

But the latest storm on Mau, for which Ruto claims Cabinet never agreed on evictions, is seen as a political smoke screen. On Tuesday Ruto said on phone it was not fair for anyone to introduce politics on such a monumental issue like Mau.

“Those who are trying to introduce politics want to subvert the serious humanitarian issues in Mau,” he added. In July Uhuru stepped in the row over compensation of those evicted from the forest, saying he was looking for funds in what was seen as tacit support for the Ruto camp.

Dissenting Rift Mps have also said they would not mind a vote of no confidence against the PM.

source.standard.ke

An oil rig prepares to drill in western Uganda, near the shores of Lake Albert, June 15, 2007. UK-based Tullow Oil found a natural gas field in one of its exploration blocks in western Uganda, but its size is unknown. PHOTO/ REUTERS

Uganda now has nine exploration blocks from its northern border with Sudan through Lake Albert on the western border with the Democratic Republic of Congo and south to Lake George. (Reuters)

source.nation.ke

Congolese warlords Germain Katanga sits in the courtroom of the International Criminal Court in The Hague November 24, 2009. Photo/REUTERS

Victims may participate in the trial by expressing their views and concerns if it is done in a way consistent with the principle of a fair trial. They can also seek compensation.

Tuesday’s trial is the ICC’s second trial and the first involving charges of murder after the court’s debut case focused on charges alleged Congolese warlord Thomas Lubanga enlisted and conscripted child soldiers to the military wing of his UPC. (Reuters)

source.nation.ke