WARRI, 23 April 2010 (IRIN) – The government’s amnesty programme whereby militants in the Niger delta are to be disarmed and rehabilitated with a stipend, job training and a micro-credit loan, has been linked to reduced violence in the delta, but critics say it has made the same mistake as almost every other disarmament, demobilization, rehabilitation and reintegration (DDRR) campaign: too much “dd” and not enough “rr”’. “The government has not been conscientious about implementing the rehabilitation and reintegration dimensions for the amnesty,” Nnamdi Obasi, senior analyst at the International Crisis Group (ICG), told IRIN. “Part of this has been blamed on delays relating to the president’s illness, but more fundamentally, it was not well-thought-out or planned.” An amnesty for militants in the delta region was initiated by President Umaru Yar’Adua in July 2009 following regular outbreaks of violence from 2006-2009 culminating in a May 2009 military incursion by government troops into the delta’s creeks, which left thousands displaced. Militants’ anger has largely been fuelled by communities being left out of the region’s oil wealth. Through the amnesty programme, militants surrender their weapons at collection centres and register to be trained in a job skill during which period they receive counselling and a monthly allowance of US$439 prior to being reintegrated into civilian society. At the same time the authorities put in place policies to ensure more oil wealth is directed back into community development. Violence down, development up While criminality linked to oil theft persists, large-scale violence is down in the delta since the amnesty started, says Samuel Ayelume of the University of Llorin in Delta State, with incidents of oil bunkering, kidnappings, vandalism, oil theft and small arms proliferation all having dropped. A greater proportion of state funding is being channelled into local development, he pointed out. In April 2010 Delta State authorities passed their budget of US$2.2 billion, 63 percent of which is earmarked for building up infrastructure in affected states, including rebuilding the Gbaramatu kingdom, an area made up of several villages in Delta State, which was destroyed in fighting between government troops and the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) in May 2009, according to Delta State Governor Emmanuel Uduaghan. Bayelsa State Governor Timipre Sylva says its $1.28 billion budget will include rebuilding access roads in the creeks, supporting youth centres and rehabilitating health centres.
On 21 April acting President Goodluck Jonathan signed into law a bill giving domestic firms priority in the awarding of oil blocks and requires foreign companies to hire more local workers. Jonathan has promised to reinvigorate the amnesty process, which flagged during President Yar’Adua’s long-term illness, and in April 2010 appointed a new petroleum minister, Diezani Alison Makueke from Bayelsa State, and a new minister of Niger Delta affairs. Shortcomings However, lack of planning in the DDRR process meant the government underestimated the resources required for long-term, workable rehabilitation and reintegration activities, said the ICG’s Obasi. Critics have said the same of DDRR processes in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Liberia and Sierra Leone. The authorities predicted 10,000 ex-militants would sign up for amnesty, but 17,500 – a mixture of militants, unemployed youths, criminals or militant-criminals, which he calls “milicrants” – did so. These 17,500 have high expectations, and some have told ICG a micro-credit loan and small business start-up are not good enough – they want well-paid appointments with international oil firms. Monthly payments are irregular, ex-militant Andrew Cross, from Ughelli in Delta State, complained to IRIN, while human rights activist Oke Joseph, also from Ughelli, told IRIN: “The rehabilitation centres where these boys are supposed to be trained are lacking even basic facilities – the programme is derailing.” MEND set off two bombs in the city of Warri in Delta State, in mid-March 2010 outside meetings where the authorities were discussing the amnesty programme. “The car bombing at the venue of the post-amnesty dialogue talk is enough to tell the whole world that the post-amnesty rehabilitation programme is not working,” Joseph pointed out. Also of concern is the fact that though 17,500 have registered, between them they have handed in just 2,700 weapons, which “falls severely short of the arsenals that the militants circulate in the region,” Obasi told IRIN. These pitfalls might have been avoided had more Nigerian or international DDRR experts been consulted on the process, he said. To make progress, the federal ministries, heads of the various implicated states, and the Niger delta Development Commission, whose relations Obasi describes as “fractured”, need to stop working solo and coordinate their plans, he said. This should also lead to more realistic planning of what needs to be done to get the amnesty process back on track, he added. The longer the process drags on, the bigger the risks, says Obasi, for militants could be co-opted into fomenting electoral violence in the upcoming 2011 local elections. “This has happened in the past… the 2011 elections will be contested just as viciously as in 2007.” And longer-term, the violence that has characterized the past few years could relapse. Ex-militant Nicolas Dickson warned IRIN: “If the amnesty programme does not go forward, I promise that Nigeria will not know peace.” aj/cb |
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Archive for April 23rd, 2010
Analysis: Nigeria’s Delta amnesty at risk of unravelling
Posted by African Press International on April 23, 2010
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GAMBIA: Urban centres under strain as farmers flee
Posted by African Press International on April 23, 2010
![]() Photo: Wikimedia/IRIN ![]() |
Rural-urban migration is squeezing Banjul’s basic services, say residents (file photo)
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BANJUL, 23 April 2010 (IRIN) – Cash-strapped farmers in Gambia are flocking to towns and cities because of erratic rains in 2009 and the fact that a recently reformed system of extending loans to farmers is still not working, say NGOs and farmers.
Farmers told IRIN they were encouraging their children to head to cities to find jobs as their prospects of surviving through agriculture were nil.
“The situation is so bad for me that I have to send one of my sons to Banjul to fend for the family,” said Omar Njie, a 61-year-old farmer in the village of Mbollet in the Upper Numi District of North Bank Division in northern Gambia. “After suffering for five seasons in a row, one of us has to look for another way of sustaining the family,” he said. “I am growing older every day and my strength is waning.”
Heavy rains washed away some 87.5 hectares of rice fields in North Bank in 2009. In Gambia, the government pays middle-men – called “secco managers” – to buy up farmers’ produce, but these managers often do not have enough cash, so farmers are paid in credit notes which they are often unable to redeem.
Njie and his fellow North Bank farmers have all received credit notes but “months on, we haven’t seen any payment,” he told IRIN.
Njie withdrew his younger son from secondary school last year because he could not come up with the US$173 in school fees. His millet stocks are low as he had to give half his crop to neighbours whose produce was destroyed in the floods. “If things continue like this, I may have to leave for Banjul myself.”
At Bundung bus station in Banjul the buses are full of young men aged 19-40 – freshly arrived from Upper River Region and looking for work.
City pressure
Overcrowding in cities, combined with reduced tourist numbers due to the global recession, has led to severe job shortages in urban areas, said an official in the Agriculture Ministry who preferred anonymity.
“Rural-to-urban migration has always been a problem in Gambia,” said the official, “and the state of agriculture now, as in the past, is not good enough to stop people from leaving it.”
Overcrowding has put more pressure on health centres, schools, housing availability and other basic services like waste collection, residents of Banjul told IRIN. A room in Banjul costs US$93 per month, up from $46 two years ago.
Ousman Jallow, 34, used to be a farmer in Baddibou in eastern Gambia, but quit his farm to move to Banjul in 2009. He now delivers sand and gravel to builders in the capital. “Farming was not kind to me… My time in the city has been more fruitful because I have bought a piece of land that I am now trying to develop. Even if things are to improve for farmers, I don’t think I’ll go back.”
“Secco managers” are also frustrated. Batoru Kebbeh manages a “secco” in Essau, a suburb just south of Banjul. “It is pointless to encourage farmers to bring in their produce when there is no money to buy it,” he told IRIN. “After the problems of the past concerning credit-buying, I do not want to get into that kind of situation again… Farmers thought I was capable of paying them, when in fact I had no way near enough money to pay them all.”
Making farming profitable
NGO Concern Universal and British organic produce company Haygrove, funded by the Department for International Development, run the “Gambia is Good” (GiG) project, which aims to make farming in Gambia profitable. They purchase organic produce from farmers to sell to hotels and restaurants servicing tourists in North Bank and Western Divisions.
“People are starting to realize farming can be successful and profitable, and this will help avoid urban migration… which will also mean more stable food production for a country that is not food-secure,” GiG’s business development officer, Mackenzie Dove, told IRIN.
A farmer involved in the project in North Bank, Fatou Manneh, said “In other places youths have all left to find money in the cities but in my village this [trend] is being checked. They can see that it is possible to earn good money and stay at home on the farm.”
But the number of farmers persuaded to stay by such projects, while important, is nonetheless “just a drop in the ocean” GiG consultant Adama Bah told IRIN.
as/aj/cb source.irinnews
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Devani is wanted over the Sh7.6 billion oil scandal that left detectives, Kenya Pipeline and Ministry of Energy officials flat-footed and egg-faced.
Posted by African Press International on April 23, 2010
Confusion as ‘Devani’ is arrested
By Cyrus Ombati
There was confusion after a man thought to be the fugitive proprietor of Triton Petroleum Limited, Yagnesh Devani, was arrested at the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport, Nairobi.
As we went to press, police and the Kenya Anti-Corruption Commission detectives who had been trying to confirm the identity, as they waited the outcome of tests they ran on him, said they had the wrong man.
Later, Nairobi lawyer Katwa Kigen said Devani was not in Kenya as police sources said the man could be Devani s kin.
Devani is wanted over the Sh7.6 billion oil scandal that left detectives, Kenya Pipeline and Ministry of Energy officials flat-footed and egg-faced.
The suspect in police custody had arrived from India aboard a Saudi Arabian airliner when security personnel seized him at the airport.
Witnesses said the CID and KACC officials seemed to be aware he was landing as they went to fetch him on the runway as the passengers disembarked.
They briefly detained him at JKIA before driving him to town under tight security.
His plane, which had originated from India, touched down at JKIA shortly before 1pm to a waiting team of security officers who scrutinised all the alighting passengers before they arrested Devani.
He was then driven to CID headquarters where his fingerprints and photographs were taken for forensic analysis to confirm his identity.
CID director Karanja Gatiba could only tell The Standard on Saturday that they were holding a man resembling Devani.
“We are waiting the results of the tests we ran on him to confirm if indeed it is Devani who is in our custody. Let’s wait and see,” said Gatiba.
However, most of the detectives who spoke to The Standard on Saturday were upbeat they had the man they have been looking for.
An official at the airport whose identity cannot be revealed because he is not authorised to speak to the Press, said the suspect was travelling on a Kenyan passport with the names Yagnesh Devani. He, however, had six other passports.
Gatiba said an arrest warrant for the suspect was still in place contrary to claims it had been lifted.
Other sources said the man could be Devani and Interpol officials, who had been trailing him since he left Kenya in 2007, tipped off local security officials. Devani fled the country in 2007 in the wake of mounting pressure by oil companies following Triton Petroleum’s failure to make deliveries for oil imports estimated to have been worth Sh7.6 billion. Triton had won the tender to import on behalf of other oil companies.
A Nairobi court issued a warrant of his arrest and Interpol ordered to pursue him.
Mr Devani was sued for allegedly stealing Sh2.7 billion from the Kenya Commercial Bank. The bank has also sued Triton for Sh2 billion for oil imports secured by the bank through various debentures.
Several of his senior managers and workers, including Peter Kimathi, William Mundia and Sunil Somai were arraigned in court and charged with various criminal offences relating to the Sh7.6 billion oil scandal.
Triton’s main creditors are the Kenya Commercial Bank, Fortis Bank Nederland, NV PTA Bank, and a host of other unsecured creditors, including some oil marketing companies.
The wealthy businessman had been charged in absentia with stealing over US$12 million, property of Kenya Commercial Bank. He also faced another count of theft by servant of over US$19 million, which he received on behalf of Kenya Pipeline.
According to the charge sheet filed in court, Devani was accused of stealing Sh955,334,094 from Kenya Commercial Bank between July 31 and August 1, 2008, at the bank’s Moi Avenue branch. In the second count, he was alleged to have stolen some 26,216.60 metric tonnes of oil at the Kipevu storage facility in Mombasa.
The oil had allegedly been entrusted to him by KCB to jointly hold in safe custody with the Kenya Pipeline Company for and on account of Triton Petroleum and KCB.
It alleged that the petroleum products were valued at Sh1,532,272,140.
source,standard.ke
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