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Archive for April 24th, 2010

Kenya’s brave envoy corrects the Americans because the US ambassador in Kenya has turned into a small king trespassing country-wide

Posted by African Press International on April 24, 2010

Very good move!

Stop lecturing us on corruption, envoy tells Obama

By Chris Wamalwa in Delaware

Kenyas envoy to the US Peter Ogego insists American President Barack Obama has no business lecturing Kenya on corruption and good governance.

Mr Ogego made the same remarks when Mr Obama, then a Senator, visited Kenya in 2006.

“I still hold the same sentiments. He did not say anything new and, if you remember, we had gone through many years of struggle against corruption and we didnt need to be reminded. Some of us, including myself, had put our lives on the line fighting against corruption and I didnt get a cheer from them that time,” Ogego told The Standard on Sunday. He was asked whether he still believed Obama was wrong in chastising Kenyan leadership on corruption.

The envoy however clarified that what he objected to then was the way President Obama had raised the issue of corruption.

“The issue was the manner he addressed us. I said then and I repeat that Kenya always receives with respect US senators and US presidents, and there is a manner they discuss with us issues of concern,” he said.

He said when US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton visited Kenya in August last year the same issues were addressed. He said Mrs Clinton did not use the occasion to publicly dress down the Kenyan leadership.

Within his mandate

Ogego said it was within his mandate as Kenyas representative to the US to correct Obama.

“I did what ambassadors do, defend their countries and their people against the impression the entire country, including myself, were corrupt.

“We are not corrupt. It is a few unscrupulous politicians and businessmen who are corrupt and would taint our name cannot be taken as a general branding of the country as a basket case,” he said. He said President Obama should have isolated issues.

“We have corruption cases every day in the US, but I dont think anybody would say the US is a corrupt country,” he said.

He was addressing Kenyans at the prestigious Yale University in Connecticut on Saturday, after touring New England. The event was organised by Kenya American Society.

source.standard.ke

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COTE D’IVOIRE: A dollar or less per trick

Posted by African Press International on April 24, 2010


Photo: Anne-Isabelle Leclercq/IRIN
The March Forum – one of the biggest markets in Abidjan

ABIDJAN, 21 April 2010 (PlusNews) – A small group of nervous looking girls hang about in the bustling bus station in Adjam, a working-class neighbourhood of Abidjan, Cote D’Ivoire’s commercial hub, carefully watched by their ‘vieux pres’ their protectors or pimps who hold machetes or knives. A trick is often negotiated for barely a dollar, and generally without a condom.

When IRIN/PlusNews visited the group, accompanied by Cavoequiva, a local non-governmental organisation (NGO) providing care and support to vulnerable young people, the girls dispersed as soon as they saw that the NGO had brought visitors.

“They are scared they will be punished by their vieux pres if they talk to us,” said Clment Iri, head of Cavoequiva. “They don’t like seeing new people – some of the girls here ran away from home and have changed their names so as not to be found. When they bring people, the girls tell us off for stopping them from earning a living.”

One of the young girls had an infected sore on her wrist. “The other night some men tried to rape her; she tried to escape and was hit with a machete,” said Mamadou Ouattara, a Cavoequiva fieldworker. A few minutes later another young girl, barely 10 years old, told Ouattara that she could no longer urinate, complaining that “it burns”.

Government estimates put the number of people living in Adjam at 250,000, but up to two million people – travellers, transporters, traders and shoppers from all over West Africa – pass through the area each day.

Population mapping to identify areas of vulnerability has been carried out with funding from the United Nations Population Fund; unsurprisingly, the bus station and the March Forum a few streets away, one of the biggest markets in Abidjan, stood out as the two sites most in need of humanitarian and HIV/AIDS interventions.

“Every day I see violence, rape and drugs,” Ouattara said. Yet few activities target highly vulnerable groups like orphans and vulnerable children, partly because the prevailing insecurity makes it is hard for most NGOs to reach these areas.

At the bus station “the young people do not even let the police in – they have knives. Sometimes the police fire shots [in the air] to scare them off, but the police never come in. The authorities are doing what they can, but they don’t have the resources,” Ouattara said.

The situation is becoming more urgent. “These young people are more exposed to HIV and other illnesses than any other group, so we need to start with them,” Iri said. The young people come from all over the country and even neighbouring countries.

Members of Cavoequiva regularly visit at the bus station and encourage the young people to come to their offices, located in a quiet street in the neighbourhood, for advice, support and food, and sometimes just to have someone to listen to them, but also to inform them of the risks of HIV, encourage them to be tested, and provide them with condoms when they are available.

“We locate the female leaders and go to them to prepare the others and encourage them to come to the organisation,” Iri said. But “the girls say to us, ‘You always come and talk to us about AIDS, but you don’t do anything for us – we are tired of listening, we are hungry’.”

''I have a man, he’s a driver, but he doesn’t give me anything to eat … So I take clients but I don’t tell him''

Looking for information and care

In an empty part of the dilapidated building that houses the March Forum, five young girls, all pregnant, are gathered. “I have a man, he’s a driver, but he doesn’t give me anything to eat,” one of them, a very young girl, told IRIN/PlusNews. “So I take clients but I don’t tell him.”

Four of the five girls said they had been tested for HIV, but admitted that they did not regularly use condoms. “If they find us with condoms, they rape us because they say if we have some, then that is what we are there for,” one of them said.

The clients, vieux pres, police, security guards, travellers, and sometimes the young people themselves, are all involved in this violence. Despite their exposure to the risk of infection, their knowledge of HIV/AIDS is slight.

If a girl is HIV-positive, Cavoequiva refers her to a health facility for treatment. “If we refer some of them, we don’t hear anything back and we don’t find out what happened to them,” Iri admitted.

Although Cavoequiva receives some money from donors, it mainly funds its interventions through a small-scale business enterprise selling fish and bottles of gas.

In 2008, with the support of Save the Children, Cavoequiva carried out a small-scale reintegration project involving 10 young girls and managed to stop eight of them from getting involved in sex work.

“Girls on the street were telling me to do that [sex work], but I didn’t want to,” a 12-year-old girl from Mali, who was previously a porter, told IRIN/PlusNews. She was able to set up a small business selling sachets of water and is now able to assist her family.

Iri called for a better response to this growing problem. “We need to help these young people as soon as they arrive on the streets, rather than wait. If we take them straight away, we can save them.”

ail/kn/he source.irinews

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SOUTH AFRICA: Less sex, more violence for teens

Posted by African Press International on April 24, 2010


Photo: Anthony Kaminju/IRIN
Less sex

JOHANNESBURG, 23 April 2010 (PlusNews) – Schoolchildren in South Africa are having less sex, and those that are, are doing it more safely, the second National Youth Risk Behaviour Survey by the Medical Research Council (MRC) has found.

Over 10,000 students in their last three years of high school participated in the survey, which showed “significant reductions” in risky sexual behaviour.

The first survey, in 2002, found that 41 percent had “ever had sex”, but this dropped from to 38 percent in the current survey; the number with two or more sexual partners in their lifetime showed a significant decrease from 45 to 41 percent.

Fewer pupils – 52 percent compared to 70 percent – had had one or more sexual partners in the past three months; the rate of new sexually transmitted infections went down from seven to four percent, and condom use increased slightly.

However, at least two-thirds of sexually active students did not use condoms consistently, and one-fifth reported being pregnant or making someone pregnant.

MRC researcher Dr Shegs James attributed the move towards safer sex to the “huge emphasis” on this in South Africa’s HIV/AIDS awareness campaigns, but warned against complacency. “The numbers are still quite high – a lot more effort is needed to bring down these figures,” she told IRIN/PlusNews.

The Youth Risk Behaviour Survey called for sexual education programmes to be tailored to individual group needs, and said a “concerted effort needs to be made to increase correct and consistent condom use, as well as contraception use”.

Substance abuse was another major concern: one-third of students reported having used alcohol in the 30 days before the survey, and most of the young people who used alcohol also engaged in risky behaviours, like binge drinking and driving while under the influence of a mind-altering substance.

Before having sex, 16.2 percent used alcohol and 14 percent used drugs. “Using alcohol or drugs reduces your inhibitions and it becomes much easier for learners to engage in unsafe sexual activity,” James noted.

The survey also found “an unacceptable prevalence of violence” in schools – over 15 percent of pupils had carried weapons and 19 percent belonged to gangs, while 1 in 4 had considered or tried to commit suicide. “This is alarming and disappointing, and it’s [the survey] has alerted us to these problems. It’s time for action,” James commented.

The government should help schools “re-orientate themselves as places of safety for learners who may be adversely challenged outside the system,” the survey recommended. “Learners, in their increased affiliation to gang membership, are demonstrating a need to feel aligned to a system that they perceive as protective.”

kn/he source.irinnews

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SOUTH AFRICA: Poor people’s movement draws government wrath

Posted by African Press International on April 24, 2010


Photo: Laura Lopez Gonzalez/PlusNews
An informal settlement

DURBAN, 21 April 2010 (IRIN) – The rise of an organized poor people’s movement in South Africa’s most populous province, KwaZulu-Natal, is being met with increasing hostility by the ruling African National Congress (ANC) government, which claims to be the legitimate representative of the poorest of the poor.

South Africa has been rocked by increasingly frequent service delivery protests – a euphemism for communities taking to the streets to voice their frustration with the alleged slow pace of social service provision – but it is the formation of a militant non-aligned social movement, Abahlali Basemjondolo – shack-dwellers movement, in Zulu – that is causing greatest concern.

Municipal IQ, a research company that monitors South Africa’s 283 municipalities, noted in a recent report that there were 54 such protests in the first quarter of 2010, compared with 105 protests in the whole of 2009.

“In fact, March’s protests [about 25] equal last year’s [2009] previously unprecedented July peak,” Municipal IQ managing director Kevin Allan told the press.

Most service delivery protests are seen as spontaneous expressions of dissatisfaction, which sometimes degenerate into acts of arson and public violence, but Abahlali Basemjondolo has become organized and claims a membership of more than 20,000 people across 25 informal settlements in and around Durban, KwaZulu-Natal’s largest city.

Abahlali Basemjondolo was started in February 2005, after a group of people from the local Kennedy Road informal settlement blockaded a road to protest the sale of land to a business, because a local municipal councillor had promised that houses for shack dwellers would be built on it.

The president of Abahlali Basemjondolo, Sbu Zikode, 37, who now lives in hiding with his family, told IRIN that the movement was formed for the purpose of working with the government and local authorities to improve the lives of shack-dwellers, but the response has been far from cordial.

“We have been called all sorts of names: Third Force, agent provocateurs and counter-revolutionaries,” he said. In South Africa “Third Force” is a highly emotional term and refers to the apartheid government’s sponsoring of covert operations designed to sow dissent and violence among the black population.

Suffering of the poor ignored

“Those in power are blind to our suffering because they don’t understand what it is like to live in a shack. They must come with us while we look for work; they must chase away the rats and keep the children from knocking over the candles,” Zikode said.

''Those in power are blind to our suffering because they don’t understand what it is like to live in a shack''

“They must care for the sick when there are long queues for the tap; they must be there when we bury our children who have died in shack fires, or from diarrhoea, or AIDS.”

On 22 March 2010 Abahlali Basemjondolo organised a march through Durban, attended by thousands of people, to demand housing for the poor; it is promising similar action during the soccer World Cup finals, which will be played in South Africa in June this year. Although the march took place without incident, this has not always been the case.

The organization alleges that after receiving permission for a protest march in 2007, police charged and beat the marchers without provocation and arrested dozens.

Abahlali Basemjondolo also alleges that in September 2009 a group of ANC supporters torched and razed the Kennedy Road community hall, which was being used as an office, a crche, and youth life skills training centre, as well as the shack of its president and others suspected of being members of the social movement.

During two days of violence, two of Abahlali Basemjondolo’s members were killed, but none of the attackers has been arrested and no one has been charged with murder. In contrast, 13 members of Abahlali Basemjondolo were arrested on charges of public violence but only eight were granted bail. The 13 people are expected to appear in court again on 13 May.

‘No house, no vote’

“We have applied for houses and have been on the waiting list for years. When new houses are built, people who are close to the councillors sell them. Without any money you can stay years on the housing waiting list,” said Makhosi Mdlalose, a member of Abahlali Basemjondolo who lives with her two children in an informal settlement near Umlazi, south of Durban.

''When we march against these things the government sends the police to shoot at us and use their dogs. The same does not happen when trade unions aligned to the ANC marches''

“When we march against these things the government sends the police to shoot at us and use their dogs. The same does not happen when trade unions aligned to the ANC marches,” she told IRIN.

“They [ANC-aligned unions] even trash the town and break windows of buildings, but they are left alone because they are close to the ruling party. When we conduct peaceful marches all hell breaks loose.”

The next municipal elections are scheduled for 2011 – only one of the country’s six major cities are not controlled by the ANC. Abahlali Basemjondolo has begun an election boycott campaign, with the slogan: “No Land, No House, No Vote”.

“This is because any councillor from a political party forgets about our situation soon after the election. That is why we have decided to stand on our own and fight our own battles – we have been betrayed so many times before,” Zikode said.

Richard Pitthouse, a political science lecturer at Rhodes University in Eastern Cape Province, told IRIN that the rapid growth of the independent grassroots organization has been met with hostility by the central government and Durban’s ANC-controlled municipality.

“When they [Abahlali Basemjondolo] realized that there was going to be no cooperation between itself and the government they decided to air their grievances directly to the local leaders and embarrass them [the ANC] in public,” Pitthouse said.

“That is why it has attracted the wrath of the police. This violence is worrying, because Abahlali have been successful in highlighting the plight of the poor.”

cm/go/he source.irinnews

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Analysis: Dangerous divisions in Sudan

Posted by African Press International on April 24, 2010


Photo: Timothy Mckulka/UNMIS

United we standbut divisions within the SPLM, led by Salva Kiir Mayardit (above), threaten to further destabilize Sudan

—————–

JUBA/KHARTOUM, 23 April 2010 (IRIN) – This months chaotic elections have widened divisions within the Sudan Peoples Liberation Movement (SPLM), according to analysts, who warn of risks to a referendum on southern secession, to future relations between two potentially independent states, and to the very stability of Sudan as a whole.

The January 2011 referendum, which will give southerners the opportunity to form a new independent country, is one of the most important provisions of a 2005 accord (CPA) that ended decades of war between Khartoum and the southern-based SPLM insurgents. The peace deal has entered its final stage, but its southern co-signers could be entering a critical final chapter as well, with wide-ranging implications.

Southerners have reason to celebrate being able to vote, but the rancour and divisions within the SPLM are growing just as it needs to pull together, warned the latest Small Arms Survey report.

If half the resources and energy – both Sudanese and international – had gone into reconciliation activities as have been devoted to democratization, Sudans future might seem more promising, the report from the Geneva-based research group said.

I think this process has had serious implications for the SPLM at a moment when it really cant afford to be divided, said Maggie Fick, a Juba-based Southern Sudan researcher for the Enough project, a US advocacy group critical of Khartoum.

North-South split

The most visible of the fault lines running through the SPLM, and perhaps most relevant to the future of all Sudanese, lies between its northern and southern wings, or sectors. For years, the two have pursued different, but supposedly complementary goals: the northern sector has worked to unite opposition forces against the Khartoum government to forge a so-called New Sudan.

The southern sector has been more involved in achieving varying degrees of self-determination for the long-marginalized south, for Abyei (an oil-rich county which straddles the north-south border), and for the states of Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile, which although lying on the northern side of the border, fall under the aegis of the SPLMs southern sector.

The two sectors have co-existed since the late SPLM leader John Garang established them in 2005. But as the New Sudan focus dimmed following Garangs death that same year – and as the prospects of southern secession grew sharper – the partys twin movements appeared increasingly disjointed.

During the lead-up to the elections – critically important for the northern sector, but seen by some in the south as little more than a bump on the road to the referendum – strong disagreements between the two camps broke into the open.

This is an ideological difference in the first place,” said one SPLM member in Khartoum. Some people in the southern sector do not think beyond the borders of Southern Sudan.

''The SPLM needs to put a lid on instability, or else the NCP could use it as an excuse to try to postpone the referendum, and if that happened, the SPLM has threatened to unilaterally declare independence''

Amid growing complaints that the co-governing National Congress Party (NCP) had rigged the elections in advance, SPLM Secretary-General Pagan Amum, seen as sympathetic to the northern sector, promised in late March that the SPLM would join other opposition parties should they announce a total boycott of all the polls in the north – presidential, legislative and gubernatorial.

But after a meeting chaired by Salva Kiir, the president of Southern Sudans autonomous government, the SPLM announced it would only pull out of the national presidential race and from polls in Darfur. Buoyed by protests from SPLM gubernatorial candidates in the north, Amum then later declared that the northern sector was pulling out of the elections altogether. Kiir refused to endorse this move.

There were strong voices around [Kiir] that thought good relations with [President] Bashir would be good for the referendum, says Samuel Okomi, director of the South Sudan Youth Participation Agency, a civil society NGO. The northern sector is feeling that they are just being used and will be dumped later on.

For his part, Yasser Arman, head of the partys northern sector and, until his withdrawal, its presidential nominee, played down talk of an election-related split between him and Kiir. We go way back, and we have a very strong relationship, Arman told reporters.

But to Fouad Hikmat, Sudan analyst for the International Crisis Group, a full-on split looks imminent. The SPLM northern sector will separate from the south, he said. They know the south is heading for secession.

This is very dangerous for Sudan’s stability, said Hikmat, who thinks a new rebellion could arise from the ashes of the SPLMs northern wing and that it would be joined by SPLM elements in Blue Nile and Southern Kordofan. Many in these states are disgruntled at having been fobbed off – as part of the CPA negotiations – with a vague popular consultation instead of also being given the option to secede in a proper referendum.

Self-determination calls will rise in the rest of Sudan if the south secedes and a new northern movement is created with an alliance of armed groups in the Blue Nile, Southern Kordofan, Darfur and eastern Sudan, he said.

Fick fears the implications of an SPLM split for the south, where she said any national divisions could weaken the partys bargaining position.

A range of contentious issues relating to the CPA and the referendum are up for discussion between the SPLM and CPA over the coming months. Some, such as the demarcation of the north-south border, need to be resolved before the referendum can take place. Others relate to how a future independent south and Khartoum would work together. These include how they would share their oil revenue and other resources, their international debts and their infrastructure.

This is a time when unity within the SPLM is totally essential if they are going to succeed in negotiations with NCP, Fick said.

Other divisions

Also up for grabs is political space within the south itself. If elections and the referendum are conducted as planned, there will be a new political dispensation in the South, and anything could happen, said a December 2009 report from the International Crisis Group.


Photo: Peter Martell/IRIN
Flying the flag…Southern Sudan is heading for secession, with or without a referendum

Tensions between the SPLM and former party members who ran as independent candidates for state governorships – powerful positions that control access to often lucrative resources – threaten to boil over. Allegations of vote rigging have already arisen in four different states – Unity, Northern Bahr al-Ghazel, Western Equatoria, and Central Equatoria – where strong challengers are contesting against the SPLM nominees, and in some cases victory has already been declared well ahead of any official compilation of results.

Some fear such electoral bickering could quickly degenerate into something far more serious. The South has a long history of inter-ethnic conflict, with many groups used as proxy forces by Khartoum during the war. Many of these militias, still controlled by powerful political figures, were never properly demobilized or fully re-integrated into the official standing armies. Among the Khartoum-backed militia members who subsequently declared allegiance to the SPLA [Sudan Peoples Liberation Army], long-standing grievances against the Southern army and the GoSS [Government of Southern Sudan] remain, said the Small Arms Survey.

Quite apart from southern electoral politics, and allegations of the north and southern factions deliberately destabilising areas for political ends, relations between and within the varied communities and regions in Southern Sudan are often strained by competition for natural resources such as water, grazing and land; as well as by cattle-raiding, local power rivalries, disputes over marriages and vendettas.

In 2009, inter-ethnic clashes claimed more than 2,500 lives in Southern Sudan and displaced almost 400,000 people. At least 400 have died so far in 2009, displacing some 60,000, according to the UN.

The Small Arms Survey report warned that anger at what is seen as an exploitative, corrupt, unrepresentative, and ill-performing Juba government is widespread and growing.

The SPLM needs to put a lid on the instability, or else the NCP could use it as an excuse to try to postpone the referendum, and if that happened, the SPLM has threatened to unilaterally declare independence, warned Claire Mc Evoy, manager of the Surveys Sudan project and co-author of the report.

That could easily lead to another armed conflict between north and south, she added.

ab-mm/am/cb

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