SYRIA: Timeline of key events since mid-March

Photo: Hugh Macleod/IRIN

Syrians at a previous protest. About 200 people have died in recent clashes between security forces and protestors (file photo)

DUBAI, 13 April 2011 (IRIN) – Syria has been under emergency law since the Ba’ath Party seized power in 1963 and banned all opposition parties. Since early March 2011, there have been regular protests in a number of towns and cities, with the southern town of Dera’a a focal point. About 200 people have died in recent clashes. Below is a timeline of some key developments since 16 March:

16 March – “Silent” protest in Damascus by 150 members of imprisoned families and friends. Four protesters killed and dozens wounded by security forces in Dera’a, near the border with Jordan.

18 March – Demonstrations in Dera’a demanding political freedom and an end to corruption in Syria.

20 March – People continue to demand an end to Syria’s long-running emergency law banning political opposition. Crowds set fire to headquarters of the Ba’ath Party in Dera’a.

21 March – Hundreds of security forces line the streets of Dera’a, but do not confront thousands of mourners marching at the funeral of a protester killed in the town.

22 March – In a fifth consecutive day of demonstrations against the government, hundreds of people march in the southern cities of Dera’a and Nawa.

23 March – Reports of Syrian forces killing six people in an attack on protesters in Dera’a, and later the same day opening fire on hundreds of youths marching in solidarity. Faysal Kalthum, regional governor of Dera’a, sacked by President Assad.

24 March – President Assad’s advisers say the president has ordered the formation of a committee to raise living standards and study scrapping the emergency law.

25 March – At least 200 people march in Damascus and hundreds also on the streets of Hama. Amnesty International says at least 55 people have been killed in Dera’a in the last week and there are reports of at least 23 dead around the country, including for the first time in Damascus. Thousands march in funerals for some of the dead; witnesses say protesters in Dera’a toppled a statue of Assad’s father, former President Hafez al-Assad. Security forces open fire from buildings. According to Syrian human rights organizations, there are indications that almost all of those who had been arrested in and around Dera’a since 18 March have been released.

26 March – Clashes between security forces and protesters in the coastal city of Latakia kill another 12, according to Syria’s state news agency. President Assad deploys the army there the next day. In an attempt to placate protesters, Assad frees 260 prisoners, and 16 more the next day.

27 March – Army increases its presence in Dera’a.

28 March – Security forces fire into the air to disperse hundreds of protesters in Dera’a. Reports of pro-government rallies taking place across the country. Amnesty International cites unconfirmed reports saying 37 more people had been killed since 25 March in protests in Damascus, Latakia, Dera’a and elsewhere.

29 March – Resignation of government following weeks of protests. President Assad appoints former government head Naji al-Otari as the new caretaker prime minister.

30 March – President Assad delivers a speech for the first time since the protests began, but does not announce any major reforms.

31 March – Assad orders an investigation into protest deaths in Dera’a and Latakia. The Syrian state news agency says a panel will study and prepare “legislation, including protecting the nation’s security and the citizen’s dignity… paving the way for lifting the emergency law” by 25 April.

1 April – Up to eight people are killed after government forces use live ammunition against protesters in the Damascus suburb of Douma.

3 April – President Assad appoints Adel Safar, minister of agriculture in the last cabinet, to form a new government.

4 April – Mohammad Khaled al-Hannus appointed governor of Dera’a.

8 April – Security forces open fire on protesters across Syria killing as many as 26 people, mostly in Dera’a.

10 April – Reports of shooting, many injuries and 200 arrests in the coastal town of Baniyas, 300km northwest of Damascus, following clashes in the area.

11 April – Some 500 Damascus university students call for more political freedom. According to the Syrian Human Rights League, opposition figure, writer and journalist Fayez Sara, was arrested, as well as bloggers, activists and young opposition supporters. According to Human Rights Watch, there are reports of beatings and torture inside prisons.

Sources: Alertnet, Al-Jazeera, Amnesty International, BBC, Montreal Gazette, Reuters, Syrian news agency SANA

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source http://www.irinnews.org

Events going on do indicate of an attempt to form a grand coalition (certainly of tribes) in a bid to take over power after the expiry of the term of current president Mwai Kibaki and with intent to block Prime Minister Raila Odinga from taking over. This is made more urgent after the summons of Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Finance Uhuru Kenyatta and former Minister and Eldoret North MP William Ruto by International Criminal Court (ICC) as among the suspects accused for perpetrating the post 2007 presidential poll violence.

Before Uhuru and Ruto returned to the country preparations were already afoot for a grand welcoming carnival as well as promulgation of a grand coalition and formation of a party which necessarily border on amalgamation of tribes.  Now this looks funny and not interesting at all. I do think Kenyans are yet to learn from political deceit which is the biggest stock in trade in Kenya’s politics.

There is absolutely nothing wrong to plan to take over the political mantle by anybody as it’s within their rights. Neither is there anything wrong to coalesce among various political groupings. The only danger is Kenya’s politics is practiced on exclusivity and exploitation of tribal emotions. What is afoot is clearly a manifestation of fear and the desire to preserve some status quo.

I’m not sure of why there is inherent deep fear for Prime Minister’s Raila Odinga’s presidency. I do know Raila has his shortcomings and that his strong character which may signal potential ability to be a typical African strong man is his big strength and obviously a huge liability. However many do acknowledge that he has the capacity to take reforms in Kenya a step further. Nonetheless there is also a stereotype fear of his own community whose genesis could be in itself political in source or probable cultural in orientation. That said, a coalition against him looks quite attractive to a large number of politicians in Kenya. Brand Raila Odinga is quite huge in Kenya loathed and loved in equal measure.

My take on this is with reference to post 2002 poll and Kibaki’s presidency. Kibaki’s leadership has had some glaring weaknesses such is in tackling corruption, massive unemployment and obviously the mess that was 2007 presidential poll and the resultant violence which has left huge scars in the nation. However huge credit to him for the many reforms in the economy which has pushed Kenya to a significant growth trajectory and becoming an attractive investments destination. There are many industries that Mwai Kibaki leadership revived and the positive effects in capital accumulation, wealth creation and obviously job creation. Kibaki economics has been a huge pillar in driving Kenya’s economy and what this nation badly need is a leader who will ensure sustained and continued economic growth after his exit. Obviously on supportive side and a crucial driver education has seen so much expansion and support during Kibaki’s reign. A big plus also was the formulation and passage of a new constitution. He obviously has a huge strength on his legacy on economy, Education and the new constitution.

Right now Kenya looks starkly staring to a change in style. Indeed looking closely at the potential candidates to inherit his mantle economic management and revolution seems to have difficult odds. Indeed looking at the tribal coalitions being formed and the potential leaders plus the rivals in various camps there is an element of populism taking leadership after Kibaki. I do know that the new constitution dispensation devolves power and funds but the presidency remains a critical pillar in driving the country forward.

Looking for genuine reformers and strong drivers of the economy amongst the people in pole positions for the presidential mantle it’s not inspiring at all. It looks populism, daily politicking and shenanigans may likely inherit the position. Kibaki must be commended for his emphasis on more work than politics during his reign. Unfortunately his demeanour and professional style of working has been a potential  weakness in a country so tribalised and where corruption and negative greed has been the greatest motivation for leadership. This partly the reason driving out evils like corruption and unemployment has remained a blot during his reign. However getting an economically minded leader like Kibaki with some strength in political reforms and firmness will be a very tall order in Kenya.

Populism looks to be the ingenuity that will deliver the next presidency. Incidentally quite a number of guys in pole positions hope that it will be their turn to lead. Going by Kenya’s politics one person is almost certain to be contesting the presidency and that is Vice-president Kalonzo Musyoka. He has his eyes firmly fixed to the price no matter the obstacles, coalitions and any other formations is unlikely to matter. I’m not sure of Professor George Saitoti who has maintained a gentleman demeanour after his odyssey in vice-presidency KANU and his political fortunes in post KANU demise in 2002. Eugene Wamalwa looks to be favoured by the many alliances that keep cropping up and a shot to the presidency looks a hot prospect. Musalia Mudavadi though in ODM can have a go at it if odds against the Prime Minister Raila Odinga becomes too much. Moreover you can never count the Prime Minister Raila Odinga out. The man is a deft political lion and he could be simply a lion who has just been rained on that you should not assume it is suddenly a cat.

Potential candidates like Peter Kenneth and Martha Karua can become compromise candidates for the obviously acrimonious coalitions that will necessary come to the fore.  The urbane Peter Kenneth looks a person to drive strongly on the economic paradigm his main obstacles being around the strength of his brand in Kenya and obviously also the sharing of the same tribe with outgoing president i.e. the Kikuyu. I’m not mentioning Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto due to the uncertainty over the ICC summons and charges that need to be cleared.

But woe to Kenya there is a huge risk of populist leadership taking over. That would be the nightmare in the waking considering that the country has just woken up from an economic limbo and that its fundamentals are yet to be strong. The journey to economic prosperity had just begun and considering how bumpy and the risks inherent the last Kenya needs is a populist president. Methinks Kenya need a strong economic manager who is a political no-nonsense character.

By Harrison  Mwirigi   Ikunda, Nairobi-Kenya

The writer is a Consultant and a Researcher working for a Not for Profit Organisation in Kenya.

AID POLICY: Protection takes centre stage in new Sphere guidelines

Photo: Jane Some/IRIN

The Sphere handbook incorporates a stronger focus on protection and safety of affected populations

NAIROBI, 14 April 2011 (IRIN) – Avoiding exposing vulnerable people to further harm, ensuring their access to impartial aid and assisting them to claim their rights and recover from abuse are some of the guidelines given to humanitarian actors in a new edition of the Sphere handbook, a set of common principles and universal standards for aid delivery.

Incorporating a new chapter on protection principles, the third edition of the Sphere Handbook, Humanitarian Charter and Minimum Standards in Humanitarian Response (2011), stresses that protection is an intrinsic aspect of all humanitarian response.

“The handbook incorporates a stronger focus on protection and safety of affected populations and considers emerging issues like climate change, disaster risk reduction, disasters in an urban setting, education, as well as early recovery of services, livelihoods and governance capacity of affected communities,” Maxine Clayton, head of the Inter Agency Working Group (IAWG), said.

Philip Wijmans, Kenya’s country representative for the Lutheran World Federation (LWF), said: “This new edition of the Sphere handbook is a lifeline for humanitarian aid workers… it marks the beginning of a roll-out strategy.”

Besides the chapter on protection, the handbook incorporates a rewritten Humanitarian Charter and restructured chapters on core standards as well as minimum standards.

According to the Sphere Project, at least 650 experts and more than 300 organizations in 20 countries were involved in the preparation of the 2011 edition, which is aimed at improving the quality of aid given to communities affected by natural disasters and armed conflict.

“The Humanitarian Charter and Minimum Standards will not of course stop humanitarian crises from happening, nor can they prevent human suffering,” the Sphere project said in a statement marking the launch. “What they offer, however, is an opportunity for the enhancement of assistance with the aim of making a difference to the lives of people affected by disaster.”

Launched alongside the Sphere handbook was Preventing Corruption in Humanitarian Operations by Transparency International Kenya (TI Kenya), the anti-corruption NGO. It is a practical guide to help aid organizations deal with corruption in their operations.

This new edition of the Sphere handbook is a lifeline for humanitarian aid workers… it marks the beginning of a roll-out strategy

“It highlights best practice tools for preventing and detecting corruption in humanitarian organizations,” Rachel Mbai, TI Kenya’s vice-chairwoman, said. “Transparency International defines corruption as ‘abuse of entrusted power for private gain’. This includes financial corruption such as fraud, bribery, nepotism and extortion but also encompasses non-financial forms such as the diversion of humanitarian assistance to benefit non-target group.”

Mbai said humanitarian organizations must be accountable, not only to their development partners but also to the people they have the mandate to serve.

“They have the duty to be transparent about their mandate, their scope of work, the eligibility criteria of the relief and services they are providing to communities,” she said.

Roslyn Hees, TI senior adviser and co-author of the handbook, said: “The handbook is a menu of good practice tools to help organizations deter, detect and deal with specific corruption risks in their operations. It can also be used by donors as a checklist when looking at the institutional policies of the aid organizations they work with.”

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source http://www.irinnews.org